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EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

AND 

A SCHOOL  OL  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Princeton  Monographs  in  Art  and  Archaeology  VI 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


AND 

A SCHOOL  OL  IVORY  CARVERS 
IN  PROVENCE 


BY 

E.  BALDWIN  SMITH 

INSTRUCTOR  IN  ART  AND  ARCH.EOLOGY,  PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY 


PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
PRINCETON 

LONDON  : HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1918 


Copyright,  1918 

Princeton  University  Press 


Published  June,  1918 


PRINCETON 
.UNIVERSITY, 
\PRLSS  / 


TO  MY  MOTHER 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016  with  funding  from 
Getty  Research  Institute 


https://archive.org/details/earlychristianicOOsmit 


PREFACE 


No  archaeological  investigation  is  begun  or  successfully  terminated 
in  Princeton  University  which  has  not  been  inspired  and  made  possible 
by  the  wisdom  and  kindness  of  Professor  Allan  Marquand.  From 
the  day  when  the  present  work  was  commenced,  through  the  years  of 
compilation  and  writing,  Professor  Morey  has  done  all  in  his  power  to 
make  it  of  scholarly  value,  and  in  the  last  stage  of  preparation,  the  author’s 
absence  from  the  University  has  increased  his  obligation  to  his  colleagues, 
for  Professors  Marquand  and  Morey  have  read  all  the  proof  and  attended 
to  even-  detail  of  the  publication.  For  the  aid  here  acknowledged  and  for 
that  which  no  words  can  acknowledge,  the  author  now  voices  his  gratitude 
to  these  two  friends.  Fie  also  wishes  to  express  his  thanks  to  Professor 
Butler,  whose  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Christian  Orient  has  been  freely 
placed  at  his  disposal,  and  to  the  other  members  of  the  Department  of  Art 
and  Archaeology,  who  have  helped  him  in  many  generous  ways.  The 
illustrations  are  nearly  all  from  tracings  whose  originals  are  cited  in  the 
notes  or  Tables;  where  plates  or  figures  have  been  reproduced  directly  from 
other  publications,  acknowledgment  has  been  made  in  the  Fist  of  Illus- 
trations. 

E.  Baldwin  Smith. 

Fort  Myer,  Va. 

May  25,  1917. 


vii 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

PART  ONE— EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 
Preface. 

I —  Introduction  i 

- II — The  Virgin  in  the  Temple 7 

- Ill — The  Annunciation  at  the  Spring n 

- IV — The  Nativity  13 

— - Y — The  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi 33 

- YI — The  Adoration  of  the  Magi 36 

-VII — The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents 59 

jYIII — Christ  Among  the  Doctors 68 

- IN — The  Baptism  71 

- N — The  Miracle  of  Cana  85 

“ NI — The  Healing  of  the  Blind  94 

- Nil — The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  102 

— XIII — The  Raising  of  Lazarus  108 

XIV — The  Entry  into  Jerusalem  121 

XV— The  Last  Supper  129 

— XVI — The  Presentation  of  the  Crowns 141 

“ XVII — The  Widow’s  Mite  144 

XVIII — Christ  Triumphant  146 

XIX — Summary  of  the  Schools  of  Early  Christian  Art 159 

PART  TWO — A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

I — Introduction  187 

II —  The  Orientalizing  of  Gaul 192 

III — Ivory  Book  Covers  in  Milan  Cathedral 206 

I\ — Werden  Casket  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum 221 

V — Diptych  in  the  Library  of  Rouen 231 

\ I — Two  Ivory  Fragments  in  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  Museums.  . 237 

\ II — Ivory  Book  Cover  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford 248 


IX 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FIGURE 

1 —  Virgin  in  the  Temple.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 

2 —  Virgin  in  the  Temple.  Werden  Casket;  Victoria  and  Albert 

Museum,  S.  Kensington 

3 —  Annunciation  at  the  Spring.  Greek  Gospels;  Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  74, 

Paris 

4 —  Annunciation  at  the  Spring.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral.  . . 

5 —  Annunciation  at  the  Spring.  Werden  Casket;  Victoria  and  Al- 

bert Museum,  S.  Kensington 

6 —  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass.  Fresco;  San  Sebastiano, 

Rome  

7 —  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass.  Sarcophagus,  Milan 

8 —  Adoration  of  Animals  and  the  Shepherds.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 

9 —  Adoration  in  a Manger  Shed.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 

10 —  Virgin  Introduced  into  the  Adoration.  Sarcophagus,  Mantua.  . 

11 —  Adoration  Including  the  Magi.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 

12 —  Adoration  Type  of  Nativity.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral.  . 

13 —  Adoration  Type  of  the  Nativity.  Werden  Casket;  Victoria  and 

Albert  Museum,  S.  Kensington 

14 —  Combination  Scene  of  Adoration.  Sarcophagus,  Arles 

15 —  Adoration  Type  of  Nativity,  and  Flight  into  Egypt.  Encolpium, 

Constantinople  (from  Strzygowski : Byzantinische  Denk- 

mdlcr,  I)  

16 —  Nativity.  Rabula  Gospels;  Laurentian  Library,  Florence 

17 —  Nativity.  Panel  from  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Rome 

18 —  Nativity.  Book  Cover,  British  Museum 

19 —  Nativity.  Pyxis,  Vienna 

20 —  Nativity.  Pyxis  from  Minden,  Berlin  Museum 

21 —  Nativity.  Fresco;  Bawit,  Egypt 

22 —  Nativity.  Ampulla,  Monza 

23 —  Nativity.  Coptic  Panel;  Golenisheff  Collection,  Petrograd . . . . 

24 —  Nativity.  Greek  Lectionary,  Berlin 

25 —  Nativity.  Greek  Gospels;  Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  74,  Paris 

26 —  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi.  Sarcophagus,  Arles 

27 —  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathe- 

dral   

28 —  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi.  Werden  Casket;  Victoria 

and  Albert  Museum,  S.  Kensington 

29 —  ‘‘The  Coming  of  the  Orient  to  Christ.”  Mosaic;  S.  Maria  Mag- 

giore,  Rome 

3° — Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Fresco:  Catacomb  of  Callixtus,  Rome 

xi 


PAGE 

8 

9 

1 1 

12 


12 


14 

14 

15 
U 

15 

16 

16 

1 7 
21 


23 

24 

25 

26 
26 

26 

27 

29 

30 

31 

32 

34 

35 

36 

37 
41 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


xii 


FIGURE 

31 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Fresco;  Catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro  e 

Marcellino,  Rome  

32 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Sarcophagus,  Ancona 

33 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 

34 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Wooden  Doors;  S.  Sabina,  Rome.  . . . 

35 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 

36 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Werden  Casket ; Victoria  and  Albert 

Museum,  S.  Kensington 

37 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Sacramentary  of  Drogo;  Bibl.  nat., 

lat.  9428,  Paris 

38 —  “Epiphany  Type”  of  Adoration.  Lombard  Relief,  Berlin  (from 

Kehrer : Die  Heil.  drci  Konige ) 

39 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Encolpium,  Constantinople  (from 

Strzygowski : Byzantinischc  Denkmaler,  I) 

40 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi  (part).  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 

41 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Coptic  Textile  from  Akmim 

42 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus ; 

Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  510,  Paris 

43 —  -Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Ampulla,  Monza 

44 —  Adoration.  Etschmiadzin  Gospels;  Monastery  of  Etschmiadzin, 

Armenia  

45 —  Adoration  and  Nativity.  Fragment  of  Murano  Book  Covers; 

John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester 

46 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Fragment  of  Five  Part  Coptic  Dip- 

tych, British  Museum 

47 —  Adoration  and  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi.  Codex 

Egberti,  Trier  

48 —  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Menologium  of  Basil  II;  Vatican  Li- 

brary, gr.  1613  (from  Kehrer:  Die  Heil.  drci  Konige ) 

49 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Mosaic;  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  Rome 

50 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Rabula  Gospels ; Laurentian  Li- 

brary, Florence  

51 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Fresco,  Antinoe 

52 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Fragment  of  Five  Part  Diptych, 

Berlin  Museum  

53 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral.  . . . 

54 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Ms.  Cim.  2,  Munich 

55 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Carolingian  Book  Cover;  Bibl.  Nat., 

Paris  

56 —  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  Sarcophagus ; S.  Maximin,  Provence 

57 —  Christ  Among  the  Doctors.  Greek  Gospels;  Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  74, 

Paris 

58 —  Christ  Among  the  Doctors.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral . . . 

59 —  Baptism.  Fresco;  Cemetery  of  Lucina,  Rome 

60 —  Baptism.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 

61 —  Baptism.  Sarcophagus,  Soissons 

62 —  Baptism.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 

63 —  Baptism.  Werden  Casket;  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  S. 

Kensington  


PAGE 

41 

42 

42 

43 

44 


44 


45 

45 

48 

50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

56 

58 

59 

60 

61 

62 

63 

63 

64 


65 


66 


70 

71 

73 

74 

75 

76 

77 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


xiii 

FIGURE  PAGE 

64 —  Baptism.  Rabula  Gospels;  Laurentian  Library,  Florence 78 

65 —  Baptism.  Etschmiadzin  Gospels;  Monastery  of  Etschmiadzin, 

Armenia 79 

66 —  Baptism.  Panel  from  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Milan 80 

67 —  Baptism.  Ivory;  British  Museum  (from  Dalton:  Cat.  Early 

Christ.  AnL  Brit.  Mus .) 80 

68 —  Baptism.  Fresco;  Bawit,  Egypt 81 

69 —  Baptism.  Mosaic;  Arian  Baptistery,  Ravenna 82 

70 —  Baptism.  Ampulla,  Monza 83 

71 —  Baptism.  Coptic  Panel;  Golenisheff  Collection,  Petrograd . . . . 84 

72 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Sarcophagus,  Algiers 86 

73 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 87 

74 —  Raising  of  Lazarus  and  Miracle  of  Cana.  “Roman  Glass,”  Rome  88 

75 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 89 

76 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Medallion  from  Egypt ; Cans  Collection,  Berlin  90 

77 —  Miracle  of  Cana  and  the  Samaritan  Woman  at  the  Well.  Mosaic, 

Baptistery  of  Naples '. 91 

78 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 91 

79 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Rabula  Gospels ; Laurentian  Library,  Florence  92 

80 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Fresco,  Antinoe 93 

81 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Soissons  Gospels;  Bibl.  Nat.,  Paris 94 

82 —  Miracle  of  Cana.  Greek  Gospels;  Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  74,  Paris 95 

83 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 96 

84 —  Healing  of  the  Blind  and  the  Halt.  Chair  of  Maximianus, 

Ravenna  97 

85 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Murano  Book  Cover,  Ravenna 98 

86 —  Healing  of  the  Blind  and  the  Halt.  Rabula  Gospels ; Laurentian 

Library,  Florence  99 

87 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Sinope  Fragment;  Bibl.  nat.,  Paris.  ...  99 

88 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 100 

89 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Codex  Rossanensis,  Rossano 101 

90 —  Healing  of  the  Blind.  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus; 

Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  510,  Paris 102 

91 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Fresco;  Catacomb  of  Callixtus,  Rome  103 

92 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Sarcophagus,  Rome  104 

93 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 105 

94 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Book  Covers;  Bibl.  nat.,  Paris 106 

95 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Murano  Book  Cover,  Ravenna 107 

96 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Fresco;  S.  Saba,  Rome 107 

97 —  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Greek  Gospels;  Bibl.  nat.,  gr.  74,  Paris  108 

98 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Fresco;  Catacomb  of  Callixtus,  Rome.  ...  in 

99 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 112 

100 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Sarcophagus,  Aix  113 

101 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Sarcophagus,  Rome  114 

102 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Relief  from  Phrygia,  Constantinople 1 1 5 

103 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Sarcophagus,  Ravenna  116 

104 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Book  Covers;  Bibl.  nat.,  Paris 117 

105 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Ivory  Comb  from  Antinoe,  Cairo t 1 8 


xiv  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIGURE  PAGE 

106 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Pyxis;  Cluny  Museum,  Paris 118 

107 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Pyxis;  Basilewsky  Collection,  Petrograd..  119 

108 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Pyxis,  Vatican  120 

109 —  Raising  of  Lazarus.  Murano  Book  Cover,  Ravenna 120 

no — Raising  of  Lazarus.  Codex  Rossanensis,  Rossano 121 

in — Raising  of  Lazarus.  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus;  Bibl. 

nat.,  gr.  510,  Paris 122 

1 12 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 123 

1 13 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 124 

1 14 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Panel  from  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Rome  125 

1 15 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Book  Covers;  Bibl.  nat.,  Paris 126 

1 16 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Wooden  Lintel,  Church  of  el  Mu’allaka 

near  Cairo  126 

1 17 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Rabula  Gospels;  Laurentian  Library, 

Florence  127 

1 18 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Codex  Rossanensis,  Rossano 128 

1 19 —  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus;  Bibl. 

nat.,  gr.  510,  Paris 129 

120 —  Eucharistic  Symbols.  Fresco;  Cemetery  of  Lucina,  Rome....  130 

121 —  Eucharistic  Symbols.  Fresco;  Catacomb  of  Callixtus,  Rome.  . . 131 

122 —  Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes.  Sarcophagus,  Algiers 132 

123—  — Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes.  Sarcophagus,  Rome 132 

124 —  Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes  and  Feeding  of  the  Multitude. 

Fresco,  Catacombs  of  Alexandria  (from  Cabrol : Diet, 

d'archeologie  chret.)  133 

125 —  Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes  and  Feeding  of  the  Multitude. 

Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 134 

126 —  Eucharistic  Feast.  Fresco;  Catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro  e Marcel- 

lino,  Rome  135 

127 —  Transitional  Type  of  Last  Supper.  Mosaic;  S.  Apollinare 

Nuovo,  Ravenna  136 

128 —  Transitional  Type  of  the  Last  Supper.  Book  Covers,  Milan 

Cathedral  137 

129 —  Communion  of  the  Apostles.  Rabula  Gospels;  Laurentian  Li- 

brary, Florence  138 

130 —  Communion  of  the  Apostles.  Codex  Rossanensis,  Rossano.  ...  139 

131 —  Last  Supper.  Codex  Rossanensis,  Rossano 141 

132 —  Presentation  of  the  Crowns.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral.  . . 142 

133 —  Traditio  Legis.  Mosaic;  S.  Costanza,  Rome 143 

134 —  Widow’s  Mite.  Book  Covers,  Milan  Cathedral 145 

135 —  Widow’s  Mite.  Mosaic;  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo,  Ravenna 146 

136 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Fresco;  Catacombs  of  Alexandria 147 

137 —  Horns  Relief,  Cairo 149 

138 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Lamp  from  Akmim 150 

139 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Lamp  from  Akmim 151 

140 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Vase  from  Orleans 152 

141 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Pignatta  Sarcophagus,  Ravenna 153 

142 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Ivory  Book  Cover  of  the  Lorsch  Gospels, 

Vatican  155 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


xv 


FIGURE  PAGE 

143 —  Christ  Triumphant.  Genoels-Elderen  Diptych,  Brussels  (from 

Laurent:  Les  Ivoires  pre-gothiques ) 156 

144 —  Annunciation.  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 171 

145 —  .Annunciation.  Fragment  of  the  Murano  Book  Covers;  Stro- 

ganoff  Collection,  Rome 172 

146 —  Annunciation.  Medallion  from  Egypt;  Gans  Collection,  Berlin  172 

147 —  Annunciation.  Ampulla,  Monza 172 

148 —  Testing  of  the  Virgin.  Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 173 

149 —  Testing  of  the  Virgin.  Fragment  of  the  Murano  Book  Covers; 

Stroganoff  Collection,  Rome 174 

150 —  Joseph  Assured  by  an  Angel  and  the  Journey  to  Bethlehem. 

Chair  of  Maximianus,  Ravenna 175 

15 1 —  Joseph  Assured  by  an  Angel  and  the  Journey  to  Bethlehem. 

Fresco,  Antinoe  (from  Cabrol:  Diet,  d’archeologie  chret.)  176 

152 —  Journey  to  Bethlehem.  Pyxis  from  Minden,  Berlin  Museum.  . . 177 

153 —  Virgin  in  the  Temple.  Inscribed  Slab,  St.  Maximin 20 2 

154 —  Joseph  Assured  by  an  Angel  and  Reconciliation  of  Joseph  and 

Alary.  Sarcophagus,  Le  Puy 203 

155 —  Ivory  Book  Cover.  Milan  Cathedral  (from  Labarte:  Hist,  des 

arts  industrials ) 207 

156 —  Ivory  Book  Cover.  Milan  Cathedral  (from  Garrucci : Storia 

del!' arte  crist.)  209 

157 —  Werden  Casket  (Front).  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  S. 

Kensington  (from  Garrucci:  Storia  dell' arte  crist.) 222 

158 —  Werden  Casket  (Back).  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  S. 

Kensington  (from  Jahrb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXIV) 226 

159 —  Werden  Casket  (Side).  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  S.  Ken- 

sington (from  Garrucci:  Storia  dell’  arte  crist.) 228 

160 —  Sts.  Gervasius  and  Protasius  before  the  City  of  Le  Mans.  En- 

graved Gem 230 

161 —  Ivory  Diptych.  Public  Library,  Rouen  (from  Gazette  Archeo- 

logique  1886)  233 

162 —  Christ  and  Apostles.  Sarcophagus,  Marseilles  (from  Le  Blant: 

Les  Sarcophages  chret.  de  la  Gaule) 234 

163 —  Fragment  of  Ivory  Diptych.  Berlin  Museum  (from  Jahrb. 

Preuss.  Kunsts.  XXIV) 239 

164 —  Xativity  and  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Ivory,  Nevers  Museum.  . 243 

165 —  Diptych  of  Probianus.  Berlin  Museum  (from  Jahrb.  Preuss. 

Kunsts.  XXIV)  245 

166 —  Sarcophagus  in  Marseilles  Museum  (from  Le  Blant:  Les  Sar- 

cophages chret.  de  la  Gaule) 246 

167 —  Sarcophagus  at  St.  Maximin  (from  Le  Blant:  Les  Sarcophages 

chret.  de  la  Gaule) 247 

168 —  Sarcophagus  of  Arles  (from  Le  Blant:  Les  Sarcophages  chret. 

de  la  Gaule) 248 

169 —  Ivory  Book  Cover.  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford  (from  West- 

wood:  Fictile  Ivories) 250 


y 


PART  I 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

I 

INTRODUCTION 

In  the  course  of  the  following  pages  I have  attempted  to  attain  three 
results : in  the  first  place  to  group,  on  a basis  of  iconography,  the  monu- 
ments of  early  Christian  art  into  schools;  then,  as  a result  of  this  forma- 
tion of  distinct  and  consistent  art  centres,  to  prove  the  provenience  of 
certain  monuments  whose  origin  has  been  vigorously  disputed ; and  lastly, 
I have  sought  in  the  Second  Part  to  establish  a school  of  early  Christian 
ivory  carvers  in  Provence.  In  treating  early  Christian  art  I have  under- 
stood the  term  “early  Christian"  to  include  the  artistic  efforts  of  Christian- 
ity from  its  inception  down  to  the  ninth  century,  when  Byzantine  art  was 
formulated  and  generally  adopted  throughout  the  East.  Thus  I have  en- 
deavored to  distinguish,  wherever  it  was  possible,  the  iconographic  types 
of  Egypt,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Italy,  and  Provence  and,  on  the  basis  of 
these  types,  have  built  up  the  artistic  centres  which  flourished  on  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean  during  the  first  eight  centuries  of  our  era.  With 
the  exception  of  the  Provenqal,  the  schools  have  been  constructed  wholly 
from  the  iconography  and  the  scenes  used  have  been  only  those  that  occur 
on  the  monuments  which  I would  attribute  to  Provence. 

Although  many  brilliant  works  have  been  written  on  the  subject,1  the 
art  of  the  early  Christian  period  is  still  so  badly  confused  by  many  con- 
flicting theories  that  any  systematic  study  in  the  field  must  go  contrary 
to  some  authorities.  Ever  since  the  predominance  of  Rome  in  the  forma- 
tion of  Christian  art  was  questioned  by  Strzygowski2  the  problem  of  the 
origin,  spread,  and  development  of  this  art  has  become  increasingly  diffi- 

1 See  Dalton’s  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology  for  a bibliography. 

2 Strzygowski,  Orient  oder  Rom,  igoi,  Leipzig. 


i 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


2 

cult.  While  the  position  of  Rome  has  been  more  and  more  weakly  de- 
fended as  new  finds  and  excavations  have  shown  that  the  great  creative 
centres  of  Christian  art  were  in  the  Orient,  the  question  has  become  in- 
volved by  the  contradictory  viewpoints  from  which  the  archaeologists  have 
viewed  the  characteristics  of  these  Eastern  schools  and  by  the  confusing 
manner  in  which  they  have  attributed  the  same  or  similar  monuments  to 
different  schools.  The  principal  reason  for  this  confusion  has  been  the  lack 
of  sufficient  monuments  of  known  origin  from  which  to  construct  the 
schools.  Other  causes,  however,  lie  not  only  in  the  gradual  transforma- 
tion through  which  Christian  art  went  in  passing  from  a Hellenistic  to  an 
Oriental  phase,  but  also  in  the  uniform  and  vaguely  defined  schools  to 
which  the  scholars  attribute  the  monuments,  and  in  the  unsystematic  use 
of  iconography. 

The  change  that  took  place  in  Christian  art  as  it  discarded  Hellenistic 
models  and  adopted  Oriental  forms  has  complicated  the  problem.  At  the 
time  when  Christianity  was  born,  an  Eastern  cult  in  an  Eastern  land,  the 
Mediterranean  world  was  under  classical  domination.  The  only  forms 
of  expression  which  were  available  to  the  new  faith  were  Hellenistic 
and,  therefore,  Christianity  for  the  first  four  centuries  of  its  existence 
followed  Hellenistic  models  in  its  literature  and  art.  In  the  fifth  century 
a change  took  place  in  the  Empire,  the  state  crumbled  under  the  barbarian 
invasions,  the  centre  of  gravity  was  shifted  from  Italy  to  the  East,  and 
the  classical  system  which  had  until  then  unified  the  civilized  world  was 
shattered.  Hellenism  was  dying,  the  dormant  spirit  of  the  Orient  re- 
awakened. Great  waves  of  national  feeling  swept  over  the  Eastern  prov- 
inces with  the  result  that  in  literature  and  in  art  the  old,  native  traditions 
began  to  assert  themselves  against  the  waning  classicism.  For  about  four 
centuries  Hellenistic  Christianity  had  accepted  the  canonical  Gospels  and 
by  symbolism  in  art  had  sought  to  portray  in  classical  forms  the  Biblical 
lessons.  With  the  dissolution  of  classical  restraint,  however,  the  East 
turned  to  its  apocryphal  versions  of  the  New  Testament  stories  wherein 
were  related  more  personal  and  narrative  accounts  of  Jesus  and  the  Virgin. 
These  apocryphal  gospels  became  a new  source  for  artistic  representation 
and  the  new  scenes  which  were  then  created  were  expressed  in  indigenous 
Eastern  methods.  In  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt  the  art  took  on  the 
character  of  its  Sassanian,  Assyrian,  and  Nilotic  prototypes.  The  figures 
tended  to  become  stylistic,  hieratic,  and  frontal;  the  substantial  back- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


3 


grounds  of  Hellenistic  design  were  eliminated;  the  composition  began  to 
set  into  hard  and  fast  formulas;  and  the  execution  became  linear  and 
coloristic  in  treatment. 

The  Christian  art  of  the  Hellenistic  period,  with  general  classical  and  ca- 
nonical models,  was  strikingly  homogeneous  throughout  the  Mediterranean 
and  while  the  forms  and  the  types  of  the  new  art,  like  the  religion  itself, 
were  probably  first  established  in  the  great  Hellenistic  cities  of  the  East, 
they  were  at  an  early  date  adopted  at  Rome  and  became  the  traditional 
style  of  the  West.  With  the  assertion  of  Oriental  tendencies  in  the 
fifth  century  art  broke  up  into  local  schools  throughout  the  Eastern 
provinces.  No  sharp  line  of  demarcation,  however,  divides  the  Hellenistic 
from  the  Oriental  and  it  was  only  gradually,  and  often  only  in  part,  that 
the  change  in  Christian  art  took  place.  The  centres  of  Hellenistic  art, 
like  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Ephesus,  were  not  invariably  the  centres 
of  the  indigenous  arts  of  the  countries.  In  Syria  the  artistic  activity 
shifted  to  Palestine  and  in  Egypt  it  passed  from  Alexandria  to  the 
monastic  centres  in  the  Thebaid.  Thus  an  endless  confusion  arises  when 
one  attempts  to  unravel  the  threads  of  early  Christian  art  while  it  was 
passing  through  its  period  of  readjustment. 

The  solution  of  the  problem  can  only  come  when  archaeologists  agree 
on  the  characteristics,  the  boundaries,  and  the  limitations  of  the  different 
artistic  centres.  At  present  the  monuments,  after  the  Hellenistic  period, 
are  variously  assigned  to  Constantinople.  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  Palestine, 
Upper  Egypt,  and  the  eclectic  school  of  Ravenna.  In  many  cases  thev 
are  also  attributed  in  a general  way  to  broader  divisions,  Syro- Anatolian, 
Syro-Palestinian,  Syro-Egyptian,  and  Palestinian-Coptic ; and  in  the  West, 
which  the  Orient  soon  invaded,  minor  places,  as  Milan  and  Monza,  are  cited 
as  productive.  From  these  possibilities  each  authority,  after  his  own 
conception  of  their  character  and  in  many  cases  after  his  own  intuition, 
has  built  up  by  attribution  his  own  set  of  schools.  Unless,  therefore,  the 
student  treads  carefully  through  this  maze,  the  result  can  only  be  greater 
chaos. 

The  baffling  nature  of  these  Eastern  schools  is  clearly  realized  when 
a single  monument  is  studied  from  the  various  authorities.  No  more  im- 
portant example  of  early  Christian  art  exists  than  the  famous  ivory  chair 
at  Ravenna,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  cathedra  of  the  Archbishop 
Maximianus.  It  has  been  attributed  to  nearly  every  artistic  centre.  About 


4 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


fifty  years  ago  it  was  claimed  by  Labarte3  that  the  chair  was  commenced  at 
Constantinople  and  finished  at  Ravenna  by  Greek  artists.  Its  origin  in 
Ravenna  has  been  supported  by  Stuhlfauth,4  while  Venturi,5  without  deny- 
ing its  Byzantine  origin,  preferred  to  consider  it  a work  analogous  to  the 
mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore  at  Rome.  Of  recent  years  Strzygowski,6 
who  has  perhaps  written  most  on  the  subject,  attributed  it  to  Antioch. 
Its  Alexandrian  origin,  however,  supported  by  Ainaloff,7  Diehl,8  Leclercq,9 
and  Graeven10  has  been  most  widely  accepted.  Dalton  leaves  the  choice 
open  between  Alexandria  and  Antioch.11 

While  it  is  evident  that  the  establishment  of  these  schools  by  attribution 
is  a difficult  and  baffling  problem,  the  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  results 
is  partly  due  to  the  unsystematic  use  that  has  been  made  of  the  means 
of  attribution.  These  are  mainly  style  and  iconography.  Of  the  two 
I am  inclined  to  believe  that  style,  except  in  the  Palestinian  and  Coptic 
schools,  is  the  less  reliable.  This  is  certainly  true  when  the  monuments 
preserve  to  any  marked  degree  a trace  of  the  rather  uniform  Hellenistic 
tradition.  The  iconography,  however,  which  was  dependent  on  indigenous 
customs,  local  liturgies,  distinctive  ceremonies,  and  special  apocryphal 
gospels,  tended  to  formalize  into  types  and  become  peculiar  to  the  separate 
artistic  centres.  Even  when  these  resultant  types  and  the  use  of  particular 
scenes  in  specific  localities  were  transmitted  from  one  centre  to  another 
at  the  hands  of  itinerant  artists,  a study  of  the  local  customs,  liturgies, 
apocryphal  gospels,  and  monuments  as  a whole  will  often  locate  the  centre 
from  which  the  type  emanated  and  will  help  to  disclose  the  lines  of  inter- 
development along  which  the  schools  progressed.  Too  often,  however, 
the  iconography,  as  well  as  the  style,  has  been  used  by  writers  in  a small 
and  partial  way.  An  attribution  is  made  on  a few  iconographic  types  and 
stylistic  features;  the  attribution  is  then  used  independently  as  an  estab- 
lished fact  for  further  attributions.  Since  many  of  the  schools  preserved 
certain  features  in  common  and  since  there  was  inevitably  an  interchange 

3 Labarte,  Histoire  des  arts  industriels,  I,  pp.  12-14. 

4 Stuhlfauth,  Die  altchristliche  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  86. 

5 Venturi,  Storia  dell’  arte  Italiana,  I,  p.  468,  figs.  278-307. 

8  Strzygowski,  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  1907,  p.  115  (trans.  by  Mrs.  Strong). 

7 Ainaloff,  see  Dalton’s  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  206. 

8 Diehl,  Manuel  d’art  byzantin,  p.  281. 

9 Leclercq,  Manuel  dc  l’ art  chretien,  II,  p.  352. 

10  Graeven,  Bonner  Jahrbucher,  1900,  pp.  159,  162. 

11  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  206. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  5 

of  iconographic  types,  this  method  makes  possible  an  unlimited  addition 
of  monuments  to  almost  any  artistic  centre  and  assures  no  uniformity  in 
the  “centre”  when  “established.”  In  all  cases  the  ultimate  soundness  of 
attributions  must  depend  on  comparison  with  those  monuments  which  are 
known  to  have  come  from  particular  regions. 

The  nuclei  about  which  the  schools  are  to  be  constructed  are  often  very 
meagre.  For  Asia  Minor  or  the  proto-Byzantine  “school”  we  have  the 
Sidamara  type  of  sarcophagi,12  the  Rossano  Gospels,13  the  Sinope  fragment 
of  Matthew,14  and  possibly  the  mosaics  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles 
at  Constantinople  as  they  are  described  by  writers  of  the  tenth  and  twelfth 
centuries  15  Save  for  the  fact  that  the  Byzantine  types  appear  to  have 
been  derived  from  the  scenes  of  the  Rossano  Gospels,  the  Gospels  them- 
selves were  only  attributions  until  the  Sinope  fragment  was  discovered. 
The  Rabula  Gospels,16  certain  miniatures  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels,17 
the  Syrian  Gospels  of  the  sixth  century  from  Mardin  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  at  Paris,  and  the  decoration  of  the  Syrian  churches  give  the 
basis  of  the  Syrian  school  wherein  the  transitional,  semi-Hellenistic  tradi- 
tion is  represented  by  the  Rabula  Gospels  and  the  Oriental  tradition  by 
the  Etschmiadzin  miniatures.  The  style  and  types  of  the  Palestinian  school 
are  exemplified  by  the  Monza  phials18  from  the  Holy  Land,  and  by  what 
is  known  of  the  mosaics  of  the  Churches  of  the  Nativity  and  the  Ascen- 
sion 19  For  Upper  Egypt  we  have  the  frescoes  of  Antinoe,20  Bawit,21 

12  Reinach,  Monuments  Plot,  1902,  p.  189;  Strzygowski,  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies, 
1907,  and  Orient  oder  Rom;  A.  Munoz,  Nuovo  Bullettino  di  arch,  cristiana,  XI,  1905, 
and  L’Arte,  1906,  p.  130;  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  129;  G.  Mendel,  Bull.  Corr.Hell.  XXXIII,  1909, 
pp.  333-334.  and  Catalogue  des  Sculptures  (Musees  Imp.  Ottomans),  I,  p.  312;  to  these 
should  be  added  the  sarcophagus  of  the  same  type  found  by  the  American  Expedition 
under  Mr.  Butler  at  Sardis. 

13  Gebhardt  and  Harnack,  Erangeliorum  Codex  graecus  purpureus  Rossanensis,  1880; 
Haseloff,  Codex  Rossanensis. 

14  Omont,  Monuments  Piot,  VII,  1900,  pp.  175-185,  pis.  XVI-XIX.  For  the  relation 
of  the  Sinope  Fragment  to  the  Rossano  Gospels  and  of  both  the  manuscripts  to  Asia 
Minor,  see  J.  A.  Herbert,  Illuminated  Manuscripts,  pp.  22-30. 

15  Heisenberg,  Graheskirche  und  Apostelkirche,  1908;  Diehl,  Manuel,  pp.  449-541. 

18  Garrucci,  Storia  dell’  arte  cristiana,  III,  pis.  128-140. 

17  Strzygowski,  Byzantinische  Denkmaler,  I,  pis.  II- VI. 

19  Garrucci,  Storia,  VI,  pis.  433-435;  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  623  sq. 

19  Heisenberg,  op.  cit. ; Dalton,  op.  cit.,  pp.  384,  414. 

20Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’archeologie  chretienne  et  de  liturgie,  s.  v.  “An- 
tinoe,” col.  2326-2359;  Cledat,  Bulletin  de  I’Institut  frangais  d’archeologie  orientate, 
1902,  II. 

21  Leclercq,  op.  cit  . s.  v.  “Baouit,”  col.  203-251;  Cledat,  Comptes  Rendus  de  I'Academie 
des  Inscr.,  1904. 


6 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


el  Bagawat,22  the  miniatures  of  the  World  Chronicle,23  the  covers  of  the 
Freer  Gospels,24  the  decorative  stuffs  and  minor  objects  from  Akmim,25 
and  excavations  at  other  sites.26  For  Alexandria  the  catacomb  frescoes,27 
the  numerous  pieces  of  wood  and  ivory  carving  in  the  Cairo,  Berlin,  and 
Paris  Museums,  and  the  compositions  in  the  miniatures  of  the  Cosmas 
Indicopleustes28  are  characteristic.  In  the  West  at  Ravenna  are  the  sar- 
cophagi and  mosaics,29  at  Rome  the  catacomb  frescoes,30  the  mosaics,31 
and  sarcophagi,32  and  for  Provence  we  have  only  the  sarcophagi. 

Fhe  schools  (or  rather  groups,  for  in  many  cases  I have  not  attempted 
to  locate  certain  types)  which  I have  constructed  from  these  monuments 
are  the  Hellenistic,  the  Oriental-Hellenistic,  the  Syrian,  the  Alexandrian- 
Coptic,  the  Palestinian-Coptic,  the  Provencal,  and  the  proto-Byzantine. 
The  work  at  Ravenna,  which  is  not  uniform,  was  found  to  be  eclectic  and 
I have  only  sought  to  show  the  origin  of  some  of  the  iconographic  types 
occurring  there.  The  classification,  with  the  exception  of  the  Provenqal 
group,  has  been  made  up  largely  on  the  basis  of  iconography  and,  in  order 
that  I should  not  use  this  means  in  a partial  or  limited  way,  I have  taken 
the  scenes  occurring  on  those  monuments  which  I would  attribute  to 
Provence  and,  by  grouping  together  all  the  examples  of  these  scenes  ac- 
cording to  the  types,  I have  attempted  to  let  them  fall  naturally  into  what- 
ever groups  they  would.  In  this  way  I thought  if  there  was  trustworthy 
evidence  in  the  iconography,  as  I believed  there  was,  the  schools  would 
preserve  a marked  consistency.  For  this  purpose  I have  used  the  classified 
tables  in  the  back  of  the  book,  in  which  the  more  complicated  scenes,  show- 
ing many  and  varied  types,  come  out  more  clearly.  The  dates  assigned 
to  the  monuments  are  for  the  most  part  those  which  have  been  generally 

22  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  s.  v.  “Bagaouat,”  col.  31-62;  W.  de  Bock,  Matcriaux  pour  scrvir 
a Varcheologie  dc  I’Egypte  chretienne,  1901. 

23  Strzygowski,  “Eine  alexandrinische  Weltchronik,”  Denkschriften  dcr  kaiserlichen 
Akademie  dcr  Wissenschaften  (Philosophisch-historische  Klasse),  1906,  p.  169  sq. 

24  C.  R.  Morey,  East  Christian  Paintings  in  the  Freer  Collection,  1914,  pp.  63-81. 

25  Forrer,  Die  fruhchristlichen  Alterthiimer  aits  dem  Gr'dherf elde  von  Achmim-Panopolis. 

26  Strzygowski,  Koptische  Kunst,  Vienna,  1904;  Crum,  Catalogue  general  du  musee  du 
Caire,  1902. 

27  Neroutsos-Bey,  L’ancienne  Alexandria,  Paris,  1888. 

28  Garrucci,  Storia,  III,  pis.  142-153. 

29  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  pp.  342-368. 

30  Wilpert,  Lc  pitturc  dclle  catacombe  Romane. 

31  De  Rossi,  Musaici  cristiani  di  Roma. 

32  Garrucci,  Storia,  V ; Marucchi,  I monumenti  del  Museo  cristiano  Pio-Latcranense, 
1910. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


7 

accepted  by  the  authorities.  In  other  cases  I have  endeavored  to  fix  the 
period  of  execution  on  the  basis  of  the  evidence  available.  While  some- 
times it  has  been  necessary  to  accept  theoretical  attributions,  I have  in  the 
main  been  able  to  evade  the  danger  of  building  up  my  schools  from  one 
attribution  to  another  and  from  forcing  the  attributions  on  only  a few 
stylistic  and  iconographic  analogies. 

The  definition,  by  the  method  above  described,  of  the  schools  of  early 
Christian  art  has  isolated  the  iconography  of  a group  of  ivories  which 
I have  assigned  to  Provence.  The  style  as  well  as  the  iconography  of 
this  group  shows  such  a peculiar  mixture  of  the  Hellenistic  art  of  Rome 
and  the  Oriental  types  of  the  East  that  they  do  not  fit  into  any  of  the 
schools  already  recognized.  By  comparing  the  iconography  and  style  of 
these  ivories  with  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence,  which  manifest  the  same 
eclectic  blending  of  Hellenistic  traditions  and  Oriental  types  as  occurs  on 
the  ivories,  I have  been  able  to  point  out  such  analogies  as  prove  the  exist- 
ence of  a school  of  ivory  carvers  in  Provence. 


II 

THE  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE 


Monuments : 

(i)  Relief  in  crypt  of  St.  Maximin,  V Century 


(2)  Ivory  book  covers,  Milan  cathedral,  c.  500 


Provencal 

Group 


(3)  Werden  casket,  S.  Kensington.  VI  Century  J 
The  representations  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  are  peculiar  in  the 
sixth  century  to  that  group  of  ivories  whose  origin  in  southern  Gaul  will 
become  evident  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  of  this  and  succeeding  scenes. 
I shall  hereafter  refer  to  it  as  the  Provencal  group.  That  the  scene  on 
the  Milan  book  cover1  represents  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  (Fig.  1 ) is 
not  open  to  doubt,  although  it  has  been  interpreted  as  the  Holy  Women 
at  the  Sepulchre,  after  the  account  in  John.  Such  an  interpretation 
is  impossible  when  the  costume  of  the  Virgin  is  considered.  Instead 
of  being  wrapped  in  a long  mantle  and  heavily  veiled,  in  token  of  grief, 
as  are  all  the  Holy  Women  in  the  scenes  of  the  Visit  to  the  Sepulchre, 


1 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  455. 


8 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  Virgin  is  depicted  as  a young  girl  elegantly  clad  in  a long  gown,  bound 
at  the  waist  by  a girdle  and  handsomely  enriched  with  heavy  embroidery 
around  the  neck  and  down  the  front  of  the  skirt.  Her  hair,  instead  of 
being  bound  in  mature  manner,  is  arranged  in  a most  youthful  and  modish 


covers.  The  Virgin  in  the  Temple. 

fashion.  Never  in  the  sixth  century  or  later  would  one  of  the  mourning 
women,  sadly  visiting  at  dawn  at  the  tomb  of  the  Savior,  have  been  repre- 
sented as  a young,  handsomely  clad  maiden,  as  is  the  female  figure  on 
the  Milan  ivory. 

Furthermore,  this  interpretation  is  confirmed  by  the  scene  on  the  Wer- 
den  casket2  in  the  South  Kensington  Museum  (Fig.  2),  which  in  all  scenes 
that  also  occur  on  the  Milan  covers  almost  duplicates  their  iconog- 
raphy. Although  the  representation  and  arrangement  of  the  figures  of 
the  Virgin  and  the  angel,  as  well  as  the  odd  little  temple,  are  identical  on 
the  two  ivories,  there  is  introduced  on  the  Werden  casket  a priest  reading 
by  the  steps  of  the  temple.  Aside  from  this  difference,  the  two  scenes 
are  so  much  alike  as  to  necessitate  the  same  interpretation.  The  scene 
on  the  Werden  casket  must  be  taken  as  a representation  of  the  Virgin  in 
the  Temple,  not  only  because  of  the  introduction  of  the  priest,  but  also 
because  the  range  of  its  scenes  covers  only  the  early  life  of  the  Virgin; 
hence  the  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  must  depict  the  same  subject. 

Interpreted  thus,  the  episode  appears  to  be  derived  from  the  account  in 


2 Garr.,  op,  cit.,  VI,  pi.  447/1. 


9 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

the  apocryphal  gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew.  V hile  the  canonical  Gospels  do 
not  treat  the  early  life  of  the  Virgin,  both  the  Protevangelium  of  James3  and 
the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew4  relate  that  from  the  age  of  three  Mary  was 
employed  in  the  temple  in  the  service  of  the  Lord.  \\  hereas  the  Protevan- 
gelium gives  the  main  facts  of  her  presentation  in  the  temple  and  of  her 
subsequent  life  there,  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  in  its  detailed  narra- 
tion not  only  of  the  presentation,  but  also  of  the  devout  life  which  Mary 


Fig.  2.  S.  Kensington:  Victoria  and  Al- 
bert Museum,  ivory  casket.  The  Virgin  in 
the  Temple. 


led  in  the  temple,  reflects  more  clearly  the  full  significance  attached  to  this 
episode  by  the  Eastern  church  and  later  by  the  church  of  Gaul.  It  is  also 
the  only  account  that  explains  the  presence  of  the  angel  in  the  composition. 
Moreover,  in  its  dependence  on  this  gospel  I do  not  feel  that  the  scene  rep- 
resents the  Presentation  in  the  Temple,  as  Leclercq  says,5  so  much  as  the 
Virgin's  actual  service  in  the  temple.  Neither  of  the  apocryphal  gospels 
mentions  an  angel  as  having  led  the  child  to  the  temple.  Yet  on  both 
the  ivories  the  Virgin  is  represented  looking  at  an  angel  who  directs 
her  gaze  to  a star  hanging  above  the  temple.  With  this  variation 
from  the  text  it  does  not  seem  justifiable  to  explain  the  absence  of  her 
parents  on  the  ground  of  lack  of  space,  as  Leclercq  does  in  considering 
this  scene  an  Entry  into  the  Temple.  In  my  opinion  the  scene  depicts  the 
\ irgin  during  her  service  in  the  temple,  after  the  account  of  Pseudo- 
Matthew,  where  we  read : “At  the  age  of  three  years  she  walked  with 

a step  so  sure,  she  spoke  so  perfectly,  and  put  so  much  ardor  into  praising 

3 Michel,  Evangiles  apocryphes,  I,  p.  1 7.  4 Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  73. 

Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnairc  d’archeologic  cliretienne  et  de  liturgie,  s.  v. 

“Apocryphes,”  col.  2557. 


IO 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


God,  that  one  would  not  have  taken  her  for  a child,  but  for  a grown 
person.”6  We  also  read  that  “she  did  not  cease  to  pray  until  the  moment 
when  the  angel  of  the  Lord  appeared  to  her;  she  received  nourishment 
from  his  hand;  and  she  learned  better  and  better  how  to  praise  God.”7 
Further  on,  the  account  relates : “Often  angels  were  seen  with  her  and 

she  obeyed  them  with  the  greatest  affection.”8 

This  scene  of  the  Service  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  which  does  not 
appear  on  the  monuments  of  the  East,  may  be  associated  directly  with 
Provence.  When  the  crypt  of  the  church  of  St.  Maximin  was  unearthed 
there  was  brought  to  light  an  inscribed  slab  (Fig.  153)  of  the  fifth  century. 
On  this  slab9  occurs  a representation  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  which 
is  labelled  by  an  inscription  reading : 

MARIAVIRGO 
MINESTERDE 
TEM  P VLOGFRO  SALE 

While  the  representation  on  this  relief,  in  which  the  Virgin  stands  in  the 
attitude  of  an  orant,  does  not  recall  the  scene  on  the  ivories,  it  shows  that 
the  subject,  which  must  have  been  drawn  from  apocryphal  sources,  was 
known  and  used  in  the  art  of  Provence.  It  was  not  used,  as  far  as  we 
know,  by  the  early  Christian  artists  of  any  other  locality.  The  dependence 
of  the  scene  of  the  two  ivories  on  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  which 
was  a Western  rendering  of  an  Oriental  gospel,  sustains  the  connection 
with  the  West.  A feast10  of  the  Virgin  existed  in  Provence  as  early  as 
the  sixth  century.  In  Syria,  whence  Provence  drew  so  many  elements 
of  its  Christian  culture,  a particular  liturgy11  had  been  conceived  in  memory 
of  the  life  which  Mary  spent  in  the  temple  preparing  herself  to  be  the 
mother  of  the  Saviour;  in  Provence  itself  her  cult  was  evidently  popular 
enough  to  create  a special  scene  commemorative  of  her  preparation  in 
the  temple. 


0 Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  75. 

7 Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  75. 

8 Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  77. 

9 Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  chretiennes  de  la  Ganle,  II,  no.  542,  A;  Les  sarcophages  chretiens 
de  la  Ganle,  p.  148,  pi.  LVII/i. 

10  Duchesne,  Origines  du  culte  chretien,  p.  258. 

11  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  2557. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 1 


III 

THE  ANNUNCIATION  AT  THE  SPRING 


Monuments : 

(1)  Ivory  book  covers,  Milan  cathedral,  c.  500 

(2)  Werden  casket,  S.  Kensington,  VI 

(3)  Terra  cotta  medallion  at  Monza,  VIII  “ 


Provenqal 

Group. 


The  Annunciation  at  the  Spring,  when  an  angel  of  the  Lord  first  ap- 
peared unto  Mary,  has  always  been  a rare  scene  in  Christian  art.  So  far 
as  the  existing  examples  of  the  scene  throw  any  light  on  the  question,  it 
seems  to  have  been  peculiar,  during  the  early  Christian  period,  to  the 
ivories  which  we  assign  to  Provence,  although  it  may  have  been  introduced 
from  the  East,  since  we  find  it  used  in  the  ninth  century  in  Byzantine 
manuscripts.  Though  it  is  true  that  the  scene,  as  Dalton  says,1  “is  not 
favored  by  later  Byzantine  artists, ” there  are,  none  the  less,  several  exam- 
ples after  the  ninth  century.2  It  appears  in  a Greek  Gospel  of  the  eleventh 
century  (gr.  74)  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris3  (Fig.  3),  in  the 


Fig.  3.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  74.  The 
Annunciation  at  the  Spring. 


Homilies  of  the  Monk  Jacobus  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris,4  among 
the  mosaics  of  Daphni,5  and  the  mosaics  of  the  church  of  Kahrie  Djami 
at  Constantinople.6 

The  scene  in  its  whole  history  does  not  vary  materially  from  the  earliest 
examples.  On  the  Milan  (Fig.  4)  and  Werden  (Fig.  5)  ivories  the  Virgin 
kneels  at  the  fountain  to  fill  her  pitcher  as  the  angel  accosts  her  from  be- 

1 Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  653. 

2 De  Waal,  Rom.  Quar.,  1887,  p.  180. 

3 Fleury,  La  Saintc  Vierge,  I,  pi.  XV. 

4 Bordier,  Description  des  pcintures,  etc.,  dcs  manuscrits  grecs  de  la  Bibliotheque 
A ationale,  1883,  no.  1208,  F"  159  v°,  p.  165;  a copy  of  this  manuscript  is  in  the  Vatican 
Library  (gr.  1162). 

5 Diehl,  Manuel,  fig.  243. 


6 Dalton,  op.  cit.,  fig.  246. 


12 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


hind;  the  Virgin,  startled  by  the  heavenly  messenger,  pauses  in  the  act 
and  turns  her  head  in  the  direction  whence  the  voice  comes.  Likewise, 
on  the  two  ivories  the  fountain  is  represented  as  a spring  gushing  from 
a crevice  in  the  rock.7  The  terra  cotta  medallion  in  the  treasury  of  the 


Fig.  4.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory 

BOOK  COVERS.  THE  ANNUNCIATION  AT 

the  Spring. 


Fig.  5.  S.  Kensington:  Victoria  and 
Albert  Museum,  ivory  casket.  The 
Annunciation  at  the  Spring. 


Royal  Basilica  at  Monza  shows  a scene  of  the  same  order  as  that  on  the 
ivories,8  at  the  right  is  represented  a tree  from  whose  roots  flows  the 
spring  and  kneeling  before  the  spring  with  a vase  in  her  hand  is  the  Virgin, 
who  turns  her  head  in  surprise  to  the  angel.  The  date  of  this  medallion, 
however,  has  been  put  as  late  as  the  eighth  century,  and  the  character  of 
the  work  indicates  a Palestinian  origin. 

As  to  the  Provencal  origin  of  the  two  examples  on  the  ivories,  the  scene 
itself  offers  no  evidence.  It  would  seem  that  the  rendering,  as  in  the  case 
of  so  many  of  the  other  scenes,  was  drawn  rather  from  the  Gospel  of 


7 Stuhlfauth,  Die  altchristliche  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  70,  says  that  an  Annunciation  at 
the  Spring  occurs  on  a sarcophagus  of  Syracuse  (Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  365/1).  The 
scene  to  which  he  refers  is  essentially  different  from  any  other  examples  of  the  An- 
nunciation, for  it  shows  a woman  kneeling  to  draw  water  from  a spring  which  rushes 
forth  from  the  side  of  a mountain  on  whose  summit  is  the  head  of  a bearded  man, 
while  behind  the  woman  stands  a man  stretching  forth  his  hand  in  a gesture  of  com- 
mand. Garrucci  (op.  cit.,  p.  95)  calls  the  scene  Moses  Striking  Water  from  the  Moun- 
tain and  such  it  seems  to  be ; as  he  says,  it  was  not  customary  during  the  fourth  century 
to  personify  God  by  a human  head,  whereas  it  was  traditional  to  personify  mountains 
and  rivers  in  this  manner.  The  personification,  therefore,  is  to  be  understood  as  Mt. 
Horeb  and  the  gesture  of  the  man,  as  also  the  posture  of  the  woman,  are  to  be  ex- 
plained accordingly. 

8 Leclercq,  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d'archeologie  chretienne  ct  de  liturgie,  s.  v.  “An- 
nonciation  dans  l’art,”  col.  2262,  fig.  765. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


!3 


Pseudo-Matthew  than  from  the  Protevangelium  of  James,  which  are  the 
only  two  texts  mentioning  this  annunciation.  While  the  Protevangelium 
only  speaks  of  a voice  having  accosted  her,9  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew 
says  that  “the  angel  of  the  Lord”  appeared  to  the  Virgin  while  she  was 
at  the  fountain  filling  her  pitcher.10  This  dependence  in  Provence  on  the 
apocryphal  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  will  become  evident  as  we  proceed. 


IV 

THE  NATIVITY 

The  representations  of  the  Nativity  are  usually  classified  into  two  large 
divisions : The  Western  type  which,  after  the  Gospel  narratives,  depicts 

the  event  in  a shed  sheltering  a manger,  and  the  Eastern  type  which  fol- 
lows the  apocryphal  accounts  and  represents  the  Birth  either  in  the  open 
or  in  a cave.  Although  this  rough  classification  may  aid  in  distinguishing 
the  monuments  of  the  East  from  those  of  the  West,  a more  accurate  and 
practical  division  may  be  made  by  considering  other  features  in  the  manner 
of  representing  the  scene  of  the  Nativity  during  the  early  Christian  period. 
The  main  divisions  of  this  reclassification  are  the  Hellenistic  type,  the 
Oriental-Hellenistic,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  the  Palestinian-Coptic,  and 
the  Byzantine  type.  The  Hellenistic  type  is  actually  an  Adoration  type 
because,  in  addition  to  the  Nativity  proper,  the  scene  includes  an  Adoration 
either  of  the  ox  and  the  ass,  of  the  shepherds,  or  of  the  Magi.  This 
Hellenistic  type  of  the  Adoration  is  characteristic  of  the  monuments 
of  the  West,  although  with  certain  variations  it  occurs  on  several  later 
Eastern  monuments  (and  one  early  one)  which  are  classified  under  the 
head  of  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  type.  Another  reason  for  calling  this 
Western  method  the  Adoration  type  is  that  the  artists  of  the  Hellenistic 
period  of  Christian  art,  especially  in  the  West,  were  primarily  concerned 
with  symbolizing  the  universal  worship  which  was  accorded  the  Saviour 
by  Tews,  Gentiles,  and  the  natural  world.  The  Adoration  type  may 
be  divided  into  five  groups,  each  characterized  by  special  features  of 
iconography.1 

9 Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  23.  10  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  87. 

1 Schmid,  Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Christi,  Stuttgart,  1890;  in  this  treatise  the 
author  has  carefully  gathered  together  a large  number  of  examples  and  in  the  case  of 
the  Western  scenes  has  successfully  grouped  them  according  to  the  variations  in  type. 


14 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Hellenistic  or  “Adoration"  Type. 

Group  I.  Adoration  of  Ox  and  Ass  alone. 

In  this  first  group  only  the  ox  and  the  ass  do  homage  to  the  new  born 
Babe.  The  earliest  example  is  in  a fresco  in  the  catacomb  of  S.  Sebas- 
tiano  (Fig.  6)  and  dates  from  the  fourth  century.2  That  the  scene  is 
rather  a symbolic  than  a literal  representation  of  the  Birth  is  shown  by 


Fig.  6.  Rome:  S.  Sebastiano,  Fig.  7.  Milan:  sarcophagus.  The 

fresco.  The  Adoration  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  Ass. 

Ox  and  Ass. 

the  introduction  of  the  nimbed  bust  of  Christ  above  the  crib,  where  the 
animals  worship  the  young  Child,  and  by  the  absence  of  the  Virgin  and 
Joseph,  or  other  distinguishing  features  which  would  mark  it  as  an  actual 
event.  The  other  example  of  this  group  is  in  the  tympanum  of  the  end 
of  a sarcophagus  cover  at  Milan.3  In  this  scene  (Fig.  7)  the  Christ  Child 
is  depicted  lying  in  His  crib  with  the  ox  and  the  ass  kneeling  in  adoration 
at  His  head  and  feet. 

Group  II.  Introduction  of  the  Shepherds. 

Again  in  this  symbolic  manner,  before  there  seems  to  have  been  any 
attempt  to  localize  the  scene  in  a manger,  we  have  three  sarcophagi  of 
Rome4  on  which  (Fig.  8)  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  is  joined  to 
that  of  the  animals.  The  fact  that  the  Christ  Child  in  two  of  these 
examples  is  on  an  altar  and  in  the  other  lies  on  the  ground,  while  no  other 
figures  save  the  two  shepherds  and  the  animals  are  present,  shows  that  it 

To  him  I am  indebted  for  the  sub-groups  of  the  Adoration  type.  Other  works  to  be 
consulted  on  the  Nativity  are:  Heisenberg,  Grabeskirche  und  Apostelkirche,  II,  p.  234 

sq.;  Noack,  Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Cliristi  in  der  bildenden  Kunst,  Darmstadt,  1894; 
Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  653. 

2 See  Table  I,  no.  1. 

3 Table  I,  no.  2. 

* Table  I,  Group  2. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


was  the  idea  of  worship  rather  than  of  birtli  which  the  artists  were  seeking 
to  convey. 

Group  III.  Introduction  of  the  Shed. 

In  this  group  the  same  features  are  preserved  as  in  the  preceding 
groups  without  the  addition  of  any  new  figures  to  the  composition;  the 


only  difference  is  that  the  Child  in  His  crib  is  placed  under  the  traditional 
Western  shed  (Fig.  9).  On  the  three3  sarcophagi  of  this  group,  as  on 
all  the  remaining  sarcophagus  representations,  the  Babe  is  represented 
in  a manger  which  assumes  the  form  of  what  Schmid6  calls  the  “Roman 
crib,”  a child's  basket  higher  at  one  end  than  at  the  other. 

Group  IV.  Introduction  of  the  Virgin. 

The  seated  Virgin  is  added  to  the  scene.  Save  for  this  addition  of  the 
figure  of  Mary,  who  is  represented  sitting  apart  from  the  manger  where 


the  Child  lies  (Fig.  10),  the  sarcophagi  of  the  fourth  group  show  the 
same  scene  as  those  of  the  third.7 


Fig.  8.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  The 
Adoration  of  the  Animals  and  Shep- 
herds. 


Fig.  9 Rome:  sarcophagus.  The 
Adoration  in  a Manger-shed. 


Fig.  10.  Mantua:  sarcophagus.  The 
Adoration,  with  the  Virgin. 


“Table  I,  Group  3. 


6 Schmid,  op.  cit.,  p.  83. 


Table  I,  Group  4. 


16  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

Group  V.  Introduction  of  the  Magi. 

On  the  sarcophagi8  of  this  group  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  is  added 
to  the  Adorations  of  the  Ox  and  Ass,  and  of  the  Shepherds,  already 
present  in  the  type.  On  all  these  examples,  with  only  one  exception,9  the 
Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  as  well  as  that  of  the  Shepherds  is  pre- 
served in  the  composition  (Fig.  n),  although  the  shepherds  are  reduced 
to  one.  These  sarcophagi  are  anterior  in  date  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth 


Fig.  ii.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  The  Adoration,  with  the  Magi. 

century,10  for  in  their  peculiar  combination  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi 
with  the  Birth  they  reflect  the  usage  of  the  church  in  Rome,  which  up  to 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  celebrated  the  Nativity  along  with 
Epiphany  on  January  6.  About  350  a.d.  two  distinct  and  separate  feasts 
were  established.11 

Group  VI.  The  Provengal  Type. 

This  division  of  the  Western  Adoration  type  of  the  Nativity  is  repre- 


Fig.  12.  Milan:  Cathedral,  ivory  book 
covers.  The  Nativity,  Adoration  Type. 


sented  by  that  group  of  ivories  which  I have  assigned  to  an  early  Christian 
school  of  southern  France,  consisting  of  the  Milan  book  covers12  (Fig. 


8 Table  I,  Group  5.  9 Table  I,  no.  19. 

10  See  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  Group  II,  page  42. 

11  Schmid,  op.  cit.,  p.  53.  12  Table  I,  no.  21. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 7 


1 2),  the  Werden  casket13  in  the  South  Kensington  Museum  (Fig.  13), 
the  ivory  fragment  in  the  Nevers  Museum  (Fig.  164), 14  and  possibly  a 
pyxis  at  Rouen.15  The  same  type  occurs  on  a book  cover  in  the  Bodleian 
Library  at  Oxford16  (Fig.  169),  which  is  frequently  grouped  with  the 
Milan  covers  as  a work  of  early  Christian  art.  but  which  is  really  a Caro- 


Fig.  13.  S Kensington:  Victoria  and  Al- 
bert Museum,  ivory  casket.  The  Nativity, 

Adoration  Type. 

lingian  ivory  dating  shortly  before  or  after  800. 17  In  nearly  all  the 
scenes  that  the  Bodleian  cover  has  in  common  with  the  Milan  covers, 
the  Carolingian  work  continues  their  curious  iconography. 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  shows  Mary  and  Joseph  sitting  in  a 
shed  on  either  side  of  a manger,  where  the  ox  and  the  ass  adore 
the  Christ  Child.  While  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Milan,  Werden, 
and  Bodleian  ivories  which  separates  the  scene  from  the  other  Western 
representations  is  the  presence  of  Joseph  with  a curiously  shaped  carpen- 
ter's saw  in  his  hand,  it  is  the  form  of  the  crib  which  binds  all  the  ivories 
together  into  a group.  On  the  sarcophagi  a marked  type  of  crib  was 
represented  which  conformed  to  the  regular  Roman  cradle;  here,  on  the 
ivories,  is  a simple  and  yet  distinct  manger  built  up  of  stones  or  brick, 
much  like  that  of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  group  (IX),  but  distinguished  by 
being  covered  with  hay  or  some  soft  material,  the  folds  of  which  radiate 
from  the  Child  as  He  lies  upon  it.  The  scene  on  the  Milan  cover  is  so  closely 
paralleled  on  the  Werden  casket  and  the  Bodleian  cover  that  the  three 
are  undoubtedly  bound  together  thereby,  but  on  the  Nevers  fragment  (Fig. 
164)  there  is  left  of  the  type  only  the  same  form  of  manger  with  its  radiat- 

13  Table  I,  no.  22.  14  Table  I,  no.  20. 

11  Table  I,  no.  24;  this  scene  is  less  Provenqal  in  type  than  it  is  Oriental-Hellenistic. 
In  all  probability  the  pyxis  was  executed  in  Egypt. 

16  Table  T,  no.  23.  17  See  Bodleian  Ivory,  p.  248. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


ing  cover,  and  the  ox  and  the  ass.  The  fact,  however,  that  the  scene  on  the 
Nevers  ivory  (which  is  a fragment  of  a five  part  diptych  carved  sometime 
before  the  Milan  and  Werden  ivories)  has  been  broken  in  two,  accounts 
for  the  absence  of  Joseph  and  the  Virgin,  who  must  have  been  represented 
in  the  missing  half  of  the  panel.18 

Not  only  are  there  no  other  traditional  figures  which  might  have  com- 
pleted the  scene,  but  such  an  assumption  as  to  the  missing  half  of  the 
panel  is  sustained  by  the  representation  on  the  Carolingian  book  cover 
in  the  Bodleian  Library.  This  later  ivory  copied  its  iconography  from 
an  ivory  fragment  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  which  in  its  turn  was  a part 
of  the  same  or  a similar  early  Christian  diptych  as  the  Nevers  frag- 
ment (see  p.  237)  and  it  depicts  the  same  type  of  the  Adoration  of 
the  Ox  and  the  Ass  with  Joseph  and  the  Virgin  crowded  into  the  corners 
of  the  composition. 

The  Adoration  Type  and  Pseudo-Matthew 

The  most  likely  textual  sources  for  the  Adoration  type  are  the 
accounts  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  and  for  the  West  in  the  fifth  century 
the  apocryphal  Latin  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew.  Regarding  the  Birth, 
the  account  of  Matthew  (i,  25)  is  too  colorless  to  suggest  a type.  Further- 
more, it  fails  to  mention  either  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass 
or  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  but  in  the  second  chapter  tells  of 
the  coming  of  the  Wise  Men  out  of  the  East  and  says  that  “when  they 
were  come  into  the  house  they  saw  the  young  Child  with  Mary  his  mother, 
and  fell  down,  and  worshipped  him.”  St.  Luke  (ii,  1-7)  is  more 
explicit  and,  after  telling  of  the  journey  to  Bethlehem  and  the  birth  of 
the  Babe,  says  that  Mary  “laid  him  in  a manger.”  Although  he  omits 
the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  and  fails  to  mention  the  coming 
of  the  Wise  Men,  he  dwells  (ii.  8)  on  the  summoning  of  the  shep- 
herds and  writes  that  they  “found  Mary,  and  Joseph,  and  the  babe  lying 
in  a manger.”  The  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  is  the  most  interesting  of 
these  texts,  for  it  is  the  only  account,  either  canonical  or  apocryphal,  which 
includes  the  Adoration  of  the  beasts.  It  is,  as  is  pointed  out  in  the  Intro- 
duction to  Part  II,  a Latin  adaptation  from  Jewish-Christian  and  Gnostic 
sources,  written  at  some  time  in  the  fifth  century.19  It  agrees  at 

18  See  Nevers  Ivory,  p.  241. 

39  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  XXI. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


i9 


the  outset  with  the  purely  Oriental  apocryphal  books  and  relates  that  the 
time  for  the  delivery  came  while  Mary  and  Joseph  were  on  the  way  to 
Bethlehem  and  Mary  went  “into  a cavern."20  Although  the  writer  makes 
no  mention  of  the  shepherds  going  to  worship  at  the  crib  of  the  Saviour, 
he  gives  a careful  account  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  and  inserts  a 
description  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass.  We  read  that  “O11 
the  third  day  after  the  birth  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  most  Blessed 
Mary  went  forth  out  of  the  cave,  and  entering  a stable,  placed  the  Child 
in  the  manger,  and  the  ox  and  the  ass  adored  Him.”  “And  Joseph  and 
Mary  lived  in  this  place  with  the  Child  for  three  days."21  The  Western 
scenes,  however,  of  the  Adoration  type  already  had  in  the  account  of  Luke 
a good  source  for  the  shed  and  a source  in  Matthew  and  Luke  for  a combi- 
nation scene  with  the  Adoration  either  of  the  Shepherds  or  of  the  Magi. 

That  the  scenes  of  this  Western  type  are  rather  Adorations  than 
Nativities  is  consistent  with  the  slight  consideration  which  the  early 
theologians  gave  to  the  actual  birth  and  also  with  the  highly  symbolic 
character  of  Christian  art  in  the  West  during  the  first  four  centuries. 
The  relatively  slight  importance  of  the  Nativity  prior  to  350  A.  D.  and 
the  fact  that  it  was  seldom,  if  ever,  separated  in  the  Christian  mind  from 
some  form  of  an  Adoration  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  was  celebrated 
in  Rome  on  January  6 at  the  same  time  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi 
and  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds.  Augustine  and  other  of  the  Fathers, 
some  of  whom  already  recognized  the  twenty-fifth  of  December  as  the 
Natal  Day,  looked  upon  it  not  as  a feast  day  and  a sacrament,  but  simply 
as  a day  to  be  remembered.22  Therefore,  considering  the  minor  importance 
of  the  Nativity,  the  absence  of  the  Nativity  in  the  frescoes  of  the  cata- 
combs, save  the  late  and  manifestly  symbolic  scene  in  S.  Sebastiano,  and  the 
fact  that  the  scene  depicted  on  all  the  sarcophagi  has  joined  with  it  some 
form  of  an  Adoration,  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  these  Western  scenes 
typify  either  the  Adoration  of  the  Gentiles,  who  are  symbolized  by  the 
Magi  at  the  feet  of  Christ,  or  of  the  Jews,  whom  the  shepherds  represent, 
or  the  Adoration  of  the  animal  kingdom  as  denoted  by  the  ox  and  ass. 

W hether  or  not  it  is  admitted  that  all  the  scenes  were  conceived  with 
only  the  idea  of  extolling  to  the  faithful  the  divine  kingship  of  the  Saviour 

20  Michel,  op  cit.,  p.  99. 

21  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  105. 

22  Schmid,  op.  cit.,  p.  53. 


20 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


by  revealing  to  them  the  universal  worship  and  homage  which  was  im- 
mediately accorded  Him  even  at  the  moment  of  His  birth,  it  is  clear  that 
the  ox  and  the  ass  existed  in  art  not  as  accessories  of  the  manger  but 
as  a form  of  adoration.  Although  the  two  beasts  were  not  mentioned 
in  any  of  the  Gospels  before  the  fifth  century,  their  symbolic  presence  at  the 
Nativity  had  already  been  referred  to  by  theologians.  In  the  West,  Pru- 
dentius,23  St.  Ambrose,24  and  Peter  of  Ravenna25  speak  of  them  as  adoring 
their  Master,  and  in  the  East  the  same  significance  is  given  them  by 
Ephraem,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa.26  Hence  in  the 
fifth  century  when  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  was  being  translated 
for  Latin  readers  from  its  Eastern  sources,  the  presence  of  the  ox  and  the 
ass  as  symbols  of  adoration  in  the  Nativity  was  a commonplace  of  Chris- 
tian imagery.27  Then,  as  so  frequently  happens,  the  established  art  influ- 
enced the  literature  of  the  period.  Western  Nativities  regularly  included 
the  stable-shed,  while  Eastern  tradition  (see  p.  22)  insisted  that  the  Child 
was  born  in  a cave.  Plence  the  Latin  compiler  of  Pseudo-Matthew  took 
pains  to  reconcile  his  Eastern  sources  with  Western  artistic  usage  by  hav- 
ing Mary  go  forth  from  the  cave  and  place  the  Child  in  the  manger  of  a 
stable,  where  the  “ox  and  the  ass  adored  Him.”  This  last  interpolation, 
the  only  account  we  have  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  Ass,  is  a similar 
enrichment  of  the  narrative  with  a view  to  reconciling  it  with  current 
images  of  the  Nativity. 

This  description  in  Pseudo-Matthew  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and 
the  Ass,  rather  than  of  a Nativity,  is  in  turn  the  most  likely  source  for  the 

23  Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’arclicologie  chretienne  et  de  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Ane,” 
col.  2049,  cites  the  following  hymn  of  Prudentius : 

“Aeterne  rex,  cunabula, 

Populisque  per  saeclum  sacra, 

Mutis  et  ipsis  credita, 

Adorat  haec  brutum  pecus.”  ( Cathemerinon  XI,  78,  P.  L.  LIX,  col.  896.  ) 

24  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  2053,  cites  the  following  passage  from  St.  Ambrose  wherein 
is  brought  out  the  symbolic  meaning  of  the  ox  and  the  ass : 

“Noli  hoc  aestimare  quod  cernis,  sed  quod  redimeris  agnosce.  Quia  in  pannis  est, 
vides,  quia  in  caelis  est  non  vides.  Infantis  audis  vagitus,  non  audis  bovis  dominum 
agnoscentis  mugitus.  Agnovit  eniin  bos  possessorem  suum,  et  asinus  praesepe  Domini 
sui.”  (In  Lucam,  II,  7,  P.  L.  XV,  col.  1648  sq.) 

25  Kehrer,  Die  Heiligen  drci  Konige  in  Litcratur  und  Kunst,  1908,  I,  p.  21. 

26  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  21. 

27  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  2053,  says : “Ainsi,  dans  le  courant  du  ive  siecle,  on  pouvait 

reconnaitre  encore,  au  moins  quarid  on  avait  entendu  saint  Ambroise,  qiie  l’ane  et  le 
bceuf  de  la  creche  n’etaient  autre  chose  que  des  symboles.” 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


21 


Provengal  type  of  the  Nevers,  Milan,  Werden,  and  Bodleian  ivories.  This 
type  is  Western  in  that  the  event  is  represented  under  cover  rather  than  in 
the  open  or  in  a cave  as  is  the  case  with  the  Eastern  scenes.  Yet  the  type 
is  different  from  any  of  those  on  the  Western  sarcophagi.  It  is  a more 
definite  attempt  than  any  on  the  sarcophagi  (on  which  we  find  only  the 
most  rudimentary  kind  of  a shed  covering  the  Child  alone)  to  render  a 
scene  in  a stable,  for  across  the  whole  back  of  the  composition,  in  the  best 
examples  (Milan,  Nevers),  extends  a brick  wall.  Also,  unlike  the  sarco- 
phagi scenes  in  which  either  the  shepherds  or  the  Magi  are  usually  figured 
and  Joseph  is  absent,  it  omits  the  shepherds  but  represents  both  Joseph  and 
Mary  seated  beside  the  crib  where  the  beasts  worship  the  Babe.  As  a 
translation  into  pictorial  form  of  the  account  in  the  Latin  Pseudo-Matthew 
these  variations  from  the  customary  Western  types  are  explained  by  the 
description  which  says  that  Mary,  “entering  a stable,  placed  the  Child  in 
the  manger,  and  the  ox  and  the  ass  adored  Him.  . . . And  Joseph  and 
Mary  lived  in  this  place  with  the  Child  for  three  days.’’  We  may  have 
then,  in  this  scene,  that  dependence  on  the  Pseudo-Matthew  text  which  is 
apparent  in  other  scenes  on  the  ivories  of  this  group. 

Two  peculiarities  of  the  use  of  the  scene  in  Provence  lie  in  the  ultra- 
symbolical  way  in  which  it  was  conceived,  and  in  a persistent  tendency 


to  connect  it  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  On  a sarcophagus  cover 
of  Provencal  style  at  Milan,28  which  has  already  been  cited  in  the  first 
group,  there  is  an  undoubtedly  symbolical  representation  of  the  Adoration 
of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  (Fig.  7).  On  a sarcophagus  of  S.  Trophime  at 
Arles29  (Fig.  14)  there  occurs  an  Epiphany  scene  in  which  Jesus,  a child  of 

29  See  page  14. 

Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  chretiens  dc  la  zdlle  d’ Arles,  pi.  XXVI;  Garr.,  op.  cit., 
V,  pi.  317/4-  No.  19  (Table  I),  which  omits  the  Shepherds  and  combines  the  adorations 
of  the  Magi  and  the  Ox  and  Ass,  is  a Provencal  sarcophagus  (St.  Maximin). 


22 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


two  years,  sitting  in  His  mother's  lap,  receives  the  gifts  of  the  three  Magi 
while  at  His  feet  lie  the  two  animals  looking  up  at  Him  with  devotion. 
This  last  scene  is  a frank  combination  of  the  two  Adorations  in  a sym- 
bolical sense,  without  any  connection  whatever  with  the  Nativity.  The 
same  combination  of  the  Adoration  of  the  animals  with  that  of  the  Magi 
was  in  the  minds  of  the  ivory  carvers  of  this  school  of  southern  France, 
as  is  shown  by  the  way  in  which  they  associate  the  two  scenes.  For 
example,  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  on  one  of  the  Milan  book 
covers  occupies  the  top  panel,  which  is  also  the  place  assigned  to  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  on  the  other  cover,  in  defiance  of  chronological 
sequence.  The  Werden  and  Nevers  ivories  combine  the  two  scenes  in  one 
panel,  and  on  the  Bodleian  book  cover  one  occurs  below  the  other. 

East. 

In  the  East  the  Oriental-Hellenistic,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  the  Pal- 
estinian-Coptic,  and  the  Byzantine  types  stand  out  in  clear  distinction. 
They  are  all  distinguished  from  the  Western  Adoration  type  by  the  ab- 
sence of  the  shed.  All  the  apocryphal  gospels  of  the  Orient,  as  the  Prot- 
evangelium  of  James,30  the  History  of  Joseph,31  the  History  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,32  and  the  book  of  Pseudo-Matthew  which  was  derived 
from  Eastern  sources,33  agree  in  stating  that  Mary  gave  birth  in  a cave  on 
the  way  to  Bethlehem.  These  apocryphal  gospels  were  the  sources  fol- 
lowed by  the  artists  of  the  East.  Their  Nativities  therefore  are  depicted 
either  in  a cave  or,  as  is  more  often  the  case,  in  the  open,  because  a scene 
in  a cave  was  too  difficult  a problem  for  their  limited  artistic  expression. 
There  are,  however,  two  very  small  groups  of  Eastern  monuments  which, 
save  as  they  represent  the  scene  in  the  open,  do  not  conform  to  any  of  the 
Oriental  types. 

Group  VII.  The  Oriental-Hellenistic  Group. 

This  group  is  a continuation  of  the  Adoration  type  on  Eastern 
monuments.  It  differs,  however,  from  the  Hellenistic  type  in  that  the 
Western  shed  is  omitted  and  the  event  is  figured  in  the  open.  It  appears 
on  two  encolpia,  one  in  the  Museum  at  Constantinople34  (Fig.  15)  and 
the  other  in  the  Museum  of  Reggio,35  both  ascribed  to  Palestine  by  Diehl, 

30  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  39.  31  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  201. 

32  E.  A.  Wallis  Budge,  The  History  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  London,  1899,  p.  32. 

33  See  p.  189.  34  Table  I,  no.  26.  35  Table  I,  no.  25. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


23 

Dalton  and  Strzygowski.  While  on  both  of  these  encolpia  the  scene  takes 
place  in  the  open  after  the  Eastern  manner,  the  Virgin  and  Joseph  are 
omitted,  and  on  the  Reggio  encolpium  there  is  figured  only  the  Adoration 


Fig.  15.  Constantinople:  Imp.  Ottoman 

Museum,  encolpium.  Nativity  and  Flight 
into  Egypt. 


of  the  animals  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds.  Another  gold  en- 
colpium, from  Cyprus,  was  recently  published  by  Strzygowski  in  Oricns 
Christianas  (V,  1915,  p.  96  scj.)  ; it  adds  to  the  above  scene  the  seated  fig- 
ure of  Joseph  and  a saddled  and  bridled  ass,  reminiscent  of  the  Journey  to 
Bethlehem, — the  Virgin  is  still  absent  (Table  I,  Errata,  no.  27  a).  These 
Eastern  examples  show  that  the  Adoration  type  is  “Western”  only  in  that 
nearly  all  its  examples  occur  on  Western  monuments.  As  in  the  case  of  so 
many  other  scenes,  the  Western  type  was  simply  a Hellenistic  type  common 
throughout  the  Mediterranean  basin  and  surviving  later  chiefly  in  the  West. 
It  is  then  not  in  the  least  surprising  to  find  it  occasionally,  with  its  special 
meaning  of  worship,  on  later  monuments  of  the  East  as  well.  That  it  was 
prevalent  earlier  in  the  East  is  shown  by  its  appearance  in  its  simplest  form 
on  a marble  relief  found  in  Naxos  (Table  I,  Err.  no.  24  a)  which  cannot 
be  later  than  the  early  fourth  century. 

Group  VIII. 

This  group  appears  to  depict  a transitional  type  and  is  represented,  so 
far  as  existing  monuments  go,  only  by  the  Syrian  Gospels  of  Rabula.30 
Unlike  the  Eastern  representations,  Mary  is  seated,  instead  of  lying  on  a 
mattress,  while  Joseph  is  placed  behind  the  crib ; in  the  background  is  the 
faqade  of  a building  (Fig.  16).  In  the  scene  are  no  adoring  animals, 
shepherds,  or  Magi.  That  it  may  represent  the  Syrian  type  of  the  Nativity 
can  not  be  assumed  from  such  scanty  evidence. 

Group  IX.  The  Alexandrian-C optic  Type. 

As  a type  it  is  characterized  by  the  introduction  of  the  midwife  Salome 

Table  I,  no.  28. 


24 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


into  what  would  otherwise  be  a general  Oriental  type.  In  this  group  the 
Christ  Child,  wrapped  like  a mummy,  lies  on  a stone  or  brick  crib  where  the 
ox  and  the  ass  adore  Him ; on  one  side  of  the  foreground  sits  Joseph,  on 
the  other  the  Virgin  reclines  on  a mattress,  and  either  in  front  of  the  crib 


Fig.  16.  Florence:  Laurentiana, 
Gospels  of  Rabula.  The  Nativity. 


or  before  the  Virgin  kneels  Salome  extending  her  withered  arm  in  suppli- 
cation to  Mary. 

Three  sets  of  proofs  connect  the  Salome  type  of  the  Nativity  with  the 
Coptic  art  of  Egypt.  They  are : the  Coptic  character  of  the  style  and 
ornament  of  most  of  the  monuments  on  which  the  type  occurs,  the  Coptic 
origin  of  Salome  in  apocryphal  literature,  and  the  moral  and  religious 
concepts  of  the  Copts  which  required  the  introduction  of  the  doubting 
Salome  into  the  scene  to  prove  the  absolute  spiritual  nature  of  Christ. 

The  reason  for  calling  this  type  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  is  the  fact 
that  it  first  occurs  on  the  chair  of  Maximianus37  (Fig.  17)  and  then  con- 
tinues to  appear  on  a number  of  unquestionable  Coptic  monuments  which 
in  other  scenes  as  well  are  allied  in  iconography  with  the  Maximianus  chair. 
The  chair  is  certainly  Egyptian  by  its  iconography;  practically  all  its 
scenes  are  closely  related  to  Coptic  types.  Its  style,  however,  while  afford- 
ing some  parallels  with  Coptic  work,  is  so  generally  Hellenistic  as  to  justify 
the  attribution  bv  Diehl  and  Leclercq  to  Alexandria ; the  extensive  evidence 

37  Table  I,  no.  29. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


25 

in  favor  of  their  attribution  is  assembled  in  my  article  on  the  subject  in 
the  American  Journal  of  Archaeology  (1917,  pp.  22-37).  The  close  rela- 


Fig.  17.  Rome:  Stroganoff  Collection, 

PANEL  FROM  CHAIR  OF  MAXIMIANUS.  The 
Nativity. 

tions  of  its  scenes  to  Coptic  types  simply  reflect  the  natural  derivation  of  the 
art  of  Upper  Egypt  from  ateliers  of  Alexandria.  The  Coptic  monuments 
on  which  this  type  with  the  doubting  Salome  occurs  are : a fragment 
of  the  Murano  book  covers  in  Manchester38  (Fig.  45),  an  ivory  fragment  in 
the  British  Museum39  (Fig.  18),  a pyxis  in  Vienna40  (Fig.  19),  one  in  the 
Berlin  Museum41  (Fig.  20),  and  one  in  Werden.42  In  a fresco  of  Bawit,43 
dating  from  the  sixth  or  seventh  century,  there  is  also  a Nativity  with 
Salome,  as  the  inscription  shows,  which  omits  the  Christ  Child  and  Joseph, 
a point  whose  significance  will  be  discussed  later.  In  the  eighth  century 
on  a Coptic  ivory  of  Bologna44  the  scene  appears  as  a transition  to  the 

’'Table  I,  no.  31.  39  Table  I.  no.  32.  40  Table  I,  no.  35. 

41  Table  I,  no.  33.  42  Table  I,  no.  34.  43  Table  I,  no.  30. 

44  Table  I,  no.  36. 


26 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Byzantine  type  representing  Salome  about  to  wash  the  child.  In  a curious 
eclectic  rendering  Salome  occurs  in  the  scene  of  the  Nativity  on  one  of 
the  ciborium  columns  of  San  Marco.45  Instead  of  lying  on  a mattress 
as  she  does  in  all  the  Coptic  examples  of  the  Nativity,  the  Virgin  is  here 


Fig,  18.  British  Museum:  ivory.  Fig.  19.  Vienna:  K.  K.  Munzkabi- 

The  Nativity.  nett,  ivory  pyxis.  The  Nativity. 

seated  as  on  the  Western  sarcophagi.  The  first  reason,  then,  for  connect- 
ing this  type  with  Egypt  is  its  appearance  in  the  Bawit  fresco  and  the 
fact  that  all  the  above  mentioned  ivories  with  the  exception  of  the  Max- 
imianus  chair  are  readily  admitted  as  Coptic  monuments  from  their  style 
and  ornament.46 

Second,  with  reference  to  the  Coptic  origin  of  the  Salome  motif, 


Fig.  20.  Berlin:  Museum,  ivory  pyxis 

from  Minden.  The  Nativity. 


Reveillout47  has  found  some  Coptic  apocryphal  fragments  belonging  to 
the  Gospel  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  which  prove  that  this  detail  originated 
in  Egypt.  In  the  Protevangelium  of  James  and  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo- 
Matthew,  which  goes  back  to  Oriental  sources,  Salome  is  only  briefly 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Nativity.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
Gospel  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  her  importance  in  Coptic  eyes  is  brought 
out  in  the  detailed  account  which  is  given  of  her  whole  life  from  the 

45  Table  I,  no.  37. 

46  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  pp.  209-211;  Strzygowski,  Hellenistische 
und  Koptische  Kunst,  pp.  85-88. 

47  Reveillout,  Journal  Asiatique,  Xe  ser.  V.  1,  1905,  “La  sage-femme  Salome,”  p.  409  sq. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


27 

time  when  she  first  sold  herself  for  money,  through  her  participation  in 
the  Nativity,  to  her  conversion  by  Simeon.  I11  the  Protevangelium,  again, 
the  midwife  whom  Joseph  finds  bringsjfth  her  the  doubting  Salome;  in  the 
Pseudo-Matthew  this  midwife  is  calle^Yelemi.  Inasmuch  as  Salome  and 
the  midwife  in  the  Coptic  Gospels  are  one  and  the  same  person,  Reveillout48 
holds  that  Salome  in  the  Protevangelium  has  no  reason  to  be  there  save 
for  the  purpose  of  reconciling  two  diverse  texts.  One  of  these  texts  he 
supposes  to  be  Coptic,  in  which  Salome  was  the  midwife,  and  the  other 
a Syrian  text  in  which  the  midwife  was  called  Zelemi.  Since  the  earliest 
manuscript  of  the  Protevangelium  dates  only  from  the  ninth  century49 
and  manifests  a blending  of  the  Gnostic  ( ?)  Apocryphum  Josephi  and  the 
Apocrvphum  Zachariae,50  it  is  quite  possible  that  its  text  was  interpolated 
to  conciliate  the  divers  Coptic  and  Syrian  versions  of  the  Nativity. 

Furthermore,  the  Nativity  in  the  fresco  which  Cledat51  unearthed  in 
the  ancient  Coptic  monastery  of  Apa  Apollo  at  Bawit  (Fig.  21)  bears 
out  the  Coptic  origin  of  Salome.  The  unusual  character  of  this  scene 


Fig.  21.  Bawit:  fresco.  The  Nativity. 


lies  in  the  absence  of  Joseph  and  the  Christ  Child  from  the  composition 
and  the  striking  importance  given  to  Salome,  who  stands  before  the  Virgin 
as  she  reclines  upon  a mattress.  Reveillout,52  commenting  on  the  Bawit 
frescoes,  shows  that  the  whole  series  dealing  with  the  early  life  of  the  Vir- 
gin represents  an  unique  tradition  drawn  from  the  Coptic  Gospel  of  the 
Twelve  Apostles.  When  one  considers  the  minute  and  detailed  emphasis 
laid  upon  the  story  of  Salome  in  the  Coptic  gospel  in  connection  with  the 
extraordinary  significance  given  her  in  the  Bawit  Nativity,  it  seems  clear 

4*iReveillout,  op.  cit.,  p.  441. 

50  Vichel,  op.  cit.,  p.  VIII. 

51  Cledat,  Comptes  Rendus,  1904,  p.  517. 

52  Reveillout,  op.  cit.,  p.  428. 


49  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  III. 


28  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

that  the  doubting  Salome  is  an  addition  to  the  scene  which  we  owe  to 
Egypt. 

Lastly,  the  motif  of  Salome  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  moral  and 
religious  ideals  of  the  Copts.  The  Coptic  mind  required  the  presence  of 
the  doubting  midwife  in  the  scene  by  reason  of  its  fundamentally  carnal 
character.53  The  introduction  of  Salome  in  the  Nativity  simply  expressed 
the  doubt  which  until  it  was  dispelled  prevented  the  Copts  from  accept- 
ing the  divinity  of  the  Saviour.  In  other  words,  to  the  degree  that 
they  were  themselves  material,  they  naturally  demanded  that  their  divinity 
be  wholly  spiritual,  partaking  of  no  polluting  material  attributes.  For 
this  reason  they  were  Monophysites,  combating  the  orthodox  view  of  the 
Trinity  and  upholding  the  purely  spiritual  nature  of  Christ.  The  doubting 
Salome  afforded  a very  obvious,  however  vulgar,  means  of  demonstrating 
the  immaculate  birth  of  the  Saviour,  especially  important  to  them  in  their 
struggle  against  the  orthodox  view  of  Christ’s  double  nature. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  incredulous  midwife  occurs  spas- 
modically in  Carolingian  and  Ottonian  art.  In  the  Sacramentarium  of 
Drogo,54  which  was  executed  in  the  ninth  century  and  bears  some  very 
close  analogies  to  Oriental  art  and  especially  that  of  Alexandria,  Salome 
is  depicted  leaning  over  the  Virgin  as  she  reclines  on  her  mattress.  In 
the  same  manner  the  midwife  is  shown  on  a tenth  century  ivory  of  German 
workmanship  in  the  Spitzer  collection55  and  on  two  other  German  ivories56 
of  the  tenth  or  eleventh  centuries.  This  Coptic  type  also  penetrated  into 
Rome  where  we  find  the  doubting  Salome  in  the  eighth  century  in  a 
mosaic  of  the  chapel  of  John  VII57  and  in  a fresco58  in  the  cemetery  of 
S.  Valentino.  With  these  few  exceptions,  the  Coptic  midwife  rarely  ap- 
pears in  the  later  art  either  of  East  or  West.59 

53  Gayet,  L’art  Copte,  p.  33  sq.  One  has  only  to  read  the  history  of  the  Coptic  Fathers 
from  the  account  of  the  self-infliction  of  Origen,  through  the  sensual  temptations  of 
St.  Anthony,  to  the  confessions  of  Schnoudi  to  realize,  as  Gayet  says,  that  restraint, 
purity,  and  love  did  not  exist  in  them. 

54  Bibl.  Nat.,  Paris,  lat.  9428;  L.  Weber,  Einbanddecken  usw.  aits  Metzer  liturgischen 
Handschriften,  I,  Strassburg,  1913,  pi.  IX. 

55  Molinier,  Hist.  gen.  des  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  147. 

56  Voge,  Die  Elfenbeinbildwerke  der  christlichen  Epochen  (Cat.  Kaiser-Friedrich  Mu- 
seum), 1900,  PI.  XIV,  no.  40,  and  no.  35. 

57  Table  I,  110.  58.  68  Table  I,  no.  59. 

59  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  654,  says,  “The  episode  of  the  incredulous  midwife  Salome  . . . 
has  been  commonly  thought  not  to  occur  much  before  800  A.  D.”  He  cites  for  this 
statement  Schmid  ( Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Christi,  p.  125)  who  really  says  that 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


29 


Group  X.  Palestinian-C optic  Type. 

This  is  the  type  which  seems  to  have  originated  in  Palestine  and  passed 
into  Egypt.60  It  is  characterized  by  the  representation  of  the  birth  in  the 
open  where  Mary,  with  Joseph  seated  beside  her,  lies  in  Eastern  fashion  on 
a mattress.  The  best  examples  of  this  type  appear  on  a Monza  phial61 
(Fig.  22)  and  the  covers  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels.62  The  first  shows 
the  type  as  it  appeared  in  Palestine ; the  second  is  an  Egyptian  work,  being 


a later  product  of  the  same  school  that  produced  the  Maximianus  chair,  and 
showing  in  its  iconography  that  imitation  of  Syro-Palestinian  types  which 
is  so  frequent  in  the  Christian  art  of  Egypt  (p.  179).  The  type  was  prob- 
ably derived  from  the  mosaic  of  the  Nativity  which  adorned  the  famous 
Church  of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem.63  There  existed  intimate  relations 
between  the  minor  arts  and  the  great  works  of  monumental  style.  The 
large  historical  compositions  of  the  scenes  of  the  New  Testament  in  the 
great  church  of  the  Holy  Land  were  very  soon  universally  known  through 
Christendom.64  These  illustrious  prototypes  were  willingly  imitated  and 
no  doubt  constituted  a tradition  for  a certain  number  of  scenes. 

Small  mobile  objects,  as  manuscripts,  stuffs,  ivories,  censers,66  and 

Salome  does  not  appear  in  Eastern  or  Western  art  after  the  year  800.  This  is  untrue 
of  the  West,  but  so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  trace  it,  the  actual  doubting  Salome  does 
not  occur  in  the  East  after  that  date. 

60  Table  I,  nos.  38-53.  61  Table,  no.  39.  82  Table,  no.  38. 

83  Heisenberg,  Grabeskirche  und  Apostelkirche ; Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  624;  Diehl,  Manuel 
d’art  byzantin,  p.  300;  Strzygowski,  Hell,  und  Kopt.  Kunst,  p.  92. 
e*  Diehl,  op.  cit.,  p.  10.  63  Table,  nos.  42-49. 


Fig.  22.  Monza  : metal  ampulla,  detail. 
The  Nativity. 


30 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


especially  the  Palestinian  ampullae  of  which  those  at  Monza66  are  examples, 
may  well  have  spread  throughout  the  Mediterranean  the  iconographical 
types  fixed  by  this  monumental  art.  At  any  rate  the  Palestinian  type  of 
the  Nativity  passed  into  Egypt  where  it  occurs  on  a Coptic  painted  panel 
(Fig  23)  now  in  the  Golenisheff  Collection67  at  Petrograd  and  on  a Coptic 
textile68  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum  at  Rome.  While  a few  later  examples69 


exist  of  this  type,  for  practical  purposes  of  distinction  we  may  say  that 
the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  fell  into  disuse  at  the  end  of  the  eighth  century. 

The  Byzantine  type  is  characterized  at  the  outset  by  the  presence  of 
two  midwives  as  a customary  part  of  the  composition.70  By  the  beginning 
of  the  ninth  century  Byzantine  art  had  commenced  to  formulate  its 
iconography  along  lines  of  supposedly  historical  fact.  Seeking  as  it  did 
to  give  some  precise  and  comprehensive  details  to  the  rather  pale 
events  of  the  life  of  Christ  as  they  were  related  in  the  canonical  Gos- 
pels, the  artists  more  and  more  depended  upon  the  apocryphal  books 

66  Diehl,  op.  cit.,  p.  301.  67  Table,  no.  40. 

68  Table,  no.  41.  69  Table,  nos.  51,  52,  53. 

70  This  apocryphal  corruption  in  the  East  of  the  canonical  account,  which  in  Luke 
specifically  stated  that  Mary  herself  enveloped  the  Child,  aroused  a great  controversy  dur- 
ing the  earlier  centuries  when  Eastern  ideas  were  being  taken  up  in  the  West.  Pope 
Gelasius  rejected  all  apocryphal  writing  which  gave  any  place  to  the  testimony  of  the  two 
midwives  and  proved  so  inconvenient  for  the  theologians  to  justify.  The  popular 
demand  was  too  strong  for  the  Church  and  by  the  eighth  century  there  was  introduced 
into  the  West  as  well  as  in  the  East  the  two  midwives  washing  the  young  Saviour.  The 
Church,  when  it  realized  that  Zelemi  and  Salome  were  in  the  scene  to  stay,  explained 


Fig.  23.  Petrograd:  Golenisheff  Collec- 
tion, panel.  The  Nativity. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


3i 


and  especially  upon  the  Protevangelium  of  James.  While  in  the  literature 
of  the  East,  outside  the  apocryphal  gospels,  the  two  midwives  are  first 
mentioned  only  in  the  tenth  century  by  Simeon  Metaphrastes,71  from  the 
eighth  century  on  there  are  very  few  cases  either  in  Byzantine  or  Italo- 
Byzantine  art  in  which  the  two  women  do  not  appear  in  the  Nativity 
as  assistants  washing  the  Child.72  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  an 
abbreviated  Byzantine  type  is  found  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century. 

Group  XI.  A Byzantine  Sub-type. 

While  the  Byzantine  type  is  generally  to  be  characterized  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  two  midwives,  this  small  group  represents  a rare  sub-type73 
where  the  midwives  are  omitted  and  the  new  feature  of  angels  hovering 
over  the  crib  is  introduced  (Fig.  24). 

Group  XII.  Byzantine  Type. 

The  actual  Byzantine  type  is  represented  by  this  group,  which,  besides 
the  distinctive  feature  of  the  midwives,  also  shows  the  adoring  angels 


Fig.  24.  Berlin:  Kupferstichkabinett, 

Greek  lectionary.  The  Nativity. 

who  manifestly  represent  the  Adoration  of  the  Heavenly  Hosts  for  the  Son 
of  God.  \\  hi le  this  type  does  not  begin  to  appear  universally  on  Byzantine 
monuments  until  the  ninth  century,  its  inception  may  go  back  to  earlier 
proto-Byzantine  or  Syrian  models.  The  description'4  of  the  lost  mosaics 

their  presence  on  the  ground  that  they  existed  as  witnesses  of  the  event  and  the 
function  which  they  performed  originally  referred  to  the  sanctification  by  water  which 
God  decreed  that  His  Son  should  undergo  that  man  might  see  the  sacramental  necessity 
of  baptism. 

71  Heisenberg,  op.  cit.,  II,  p.  226. 

72  Table  I,  Group  12. 

73  Table,  nos.  54,  55,  56. 

74  Heisenberg,  op.  cit.,  II,  p.  223.  The  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  was  built  and 
decorated  by  Justinian  (op.  cit.,  page  2),  and  by  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  had  lost 
all  its  old  beauty  and  was  in  ruins.  Under  the  Emperor  Basil  I (867-886)  it  was  re- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


32 

of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  at  Constantinople  says  that  the  event 
was  pictured  in  a cave,  that  the  Virgin  was  depicted  reclining  on  a mat- 
tress, that  at  least  one  midwife  was  represented  “washing  the  Child,”  and 
that  the  Adorations  of  the  beasts,  the  shepherds,  and  the  angels  were  in- 
cluded in  the  scene.  To  this  description  Heisenberg,  who  attempts  to 
restore  the  mosaics  and  date  them  in  the  sixth  century,  would  add  the 
figure  of  Joseph  and  another  midwife.  But  these  mosaics  are  now  dated 
by  the  majority  of  scholars  in  the  ninth  century.  With  few  exceptions 


Fig.  25.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  7 4. 
The  Nativity. 


from  the  eighth  century  on  in  the  East  the  Adoration  of  the  angels  is 
combined  with  the  Adoration  of  the  animals,75  with  the  Adoration  of  (or 
in  some  cases  more  properly  the  Annunciation  to)  the  Shepherds,76  and 
often  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi.77  Mary  on  all  the  examples  of  this 
group  reclines  on  a mattress,  and  the  Nativity  itself,  though  for  a time  fig- 
ured as  having  taken  place  in  the  open,78  soon  came  to  be  depicted  in  a cave. 
A fair  sample  of  the  Byzantine  type,  exceptional  nevertheless  in  omitting 
the  angels,  is  afforded  by  Figure  25. 

decorated.  Of  the  edifice  thus  restored  and  of  the  mosaics  which  adorned  its  walls 
there  exist  two  descriptions : one,  the  poem  of  Constantine  the  Rhodian  of  the  tenth 
century;  the  other,  more  complete,  is  the  work  of  Nicholas  Mesarites,  which  was  com- 
posed between  1199  and  1203  {op.  cit.,  p.  8)  before  the  church  was  finally  destroyed 
to  make  place  for  the  mosque  of  Mahomet  II.  Although  the  mosaics  in  this  church 
are  usually  attributed  to  the  ninth  century  (Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p. 
392;  Diehl,  Manuel,  p.  448-451 ; Millet,  L’art  byzantin,  in  Michel,  Histoire  dc  I’art  chretien, 
I,  p.  190),  Heisenberg  assigns  them  to  the  sixth  century  largely  on  the  ground  of  their 
similarity  to  the  miniatures  of  the  proto-Byzantine  Gospels  of  Rossano  (Heisenberg, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  140-170).  Whether  of  the  sixth  or  ninth  century,  although  the  latter  date  is 
by  far  the  more  convincing,  the  scenes  in  the  mosaics  of  this  famous  church  would  have 
been  influential  in  the  final  establishment  of  Byzantine  iconography  which  did  not  be- 
come traditional  until  the  ninth  century. 

75  Table  I,  nos.  62-66,  71-74.  76  Table  I,  nos.  61-64,  66,  71-74. 

77  Table  I,  nos.  66,  69,  73,  74. 

78  Table  I.  Baumstark  has  recently  ( Oriens  Christ.  1915)  pointed  out  a possible  Syrian 
prototype  for  the  Byzantine  Nativity. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


33 


V 

THE  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR  TO  THE  MAGI 


Monuments : 


Sarcophagus  of  Arles.1 

Sarcophagus  of  Arles.2 

Ivory  book  covers,  Milan.3 

Ivory  casket  in  the  S.  Kensington  Museum.4 

Sarcophagus  of  San  Celso  in  Milan.5 

Ambo  of  Salonica.6 

Coptic  ivory,  Bologna,  eighth  century.7 

Codex  Egberti  at  Trier.8 

Gospels  of  Henry  III,  Bremen.9 

Gospels  of  Brussels,  Cod.  lat.  9428. 10 

Gospels  of  St.  Bernward  at  Hildesheim,11  No. 


>-  Early  Christian 


- Ottonian 


18. 


Fresco  of  S.  Urbano  alia  Caffarella,  an.  ion.12 
Bronze  doors  of  Pisa  and  Monreale.13 
Hortus  Deliciarum  of  Herrad  von  Landsberg.14 


Italo-Byzantine 


The  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Three  Magi  was  primarily  Syrian 
in  conception  and  origin.  The  event,  as  a separate  scene  in  early  Christian 
art,  occurs  only  on  the  monuments  of  communities  which  were  closely 
connected  with  Syria.  The  largest  number  of  examples  come  from 
Provence,  which  in  many  ways,  as  will  be  shown  in  a subsequent  chapter 
(see  p.  192  sq.),  was  a Syrian  colony  closely  connected  with  the  Syrian 
church. 

Although  the  star  appears  to  the  Magi  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome 
it  is  always  in  the  representations  of  the  actual  Adoration  and  never  as 
a separate  scene.  As  a distinct  scene,  usually  combined  with  another  and 
separate  scene  of  the  Nativity  or  Adoration,  it  is  rare,  and  as  far  as  my 
knowledge  goes  is  limited,  in  early  Mediaeval  art,  to  the  examples  cited 
above  While  its  importance  in  the  Adoration  was  recognized  in  the  West, 
it  had  no  liturgical  significance  and  does  not  appear  to  have  received  the 
symbolical  interpretation  that  it  had  in  the  East.  Prudentius  simply  de- 


1 Le  Blant,  Lcs  sarcophages  chrcticns  de  la  ville  d’ Arles,  p.  35,  pi.  XXI. 

2 Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  p.  32.  pi.  XVIII.  3 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  454. 

4 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  447/2.  5 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  315/5. 

9 Kehrer,  Die  Heiligen  drci  Konige  in  Literatur  und  Kunst,  II,  figs.  17,  18. 

7 Stuhlfauth,  Elfenbeinplastik,  pi.  III/2.  8 Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  19. 

9 Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  20.  10  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  22. 

11  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  23.  12  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  24. 

13  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  25.  14  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  fig.  26. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


34 

scribes  the  star  and  says  that  it  effaced  all  others  and  shone  so  bright  that 
Lucifer  himself  dare  not  struggle  against  it.15  It  was  in  Syria  that  the  im- 
portance of  this  heavenly  guide  was  symbolically  developed  and  introduced 
into  the  liturgy  of  the  church.  The  star  was  the  text  of  exegesis  and  ser- 
mons and  in  the  Syrian  church  on  the  night  of  January  6,  besides  the  P>irth 
of  the  Saviour  and  His  Adoration  by  the  Shepherds,  the  Appearance  of  the 
Star  was  also  celebrated.10  Basilius,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia, 
has  left  a sermon  on  its  appearance17  and  St.  Ephraem  gave  the  first  full 
interpretation  of  this  “Herald  on  high,  a Herald  of  Divinity.”18  More- 
over, he  mentions  an  angel  in  connection  with  the  star,  and  while  there 
remain  no  early  monuments  from  Syria  where  the  Appearance  of  the  Star 
is  figured  as  a separate  scene,  on  one  of  the  Palestinian  phials19  at  Monza 
an  angel  points  out  to  the  Magi  a large  star  which  hangs  over  the  head 
of  the  Virgin. 

The  rendering  in  Provence  is  distinctive.  On  two  sarcophagi  of  Arles 
(Fig.  26)  the  Magi,  dressed  in  Phrygian  caps,  short  chitons,  chlamydes, 


Fig.  26.  Arles:  sarcophagus.  The  Magi 

GAZING  AT  THE  STAR. 

and  anaxyrides,  are  represented  gazing  with  gestures  of  surprise  at  a 
brilliant  star  above  their  heads.  The  characteristic  feature  is  the  odd 
notched  chiton  which  they  wear.  The  scene  on  the  Milan  sarcophagus 
in  the  church  of  San  Celso,  while  similar  in  motif,  is  entirely  different 
in  composition  and  in  this  particular  detail  of  the  Magi's  costume.  The 
three  Magi,  all  in  a line,  are  looking,  not  over  their  heads  at  the  star  as 

15  Duchesne  and  Bayet,  Mem.  sur  line  Mission  an  Mont  Atlios,  1876,  p.  264:  Prudentius, 
Cathemerinon,  hymnus  XII,  Dc  Epiphania,  V,  25-73. 

10  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  II,  p.  27.  17  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  14. 

18  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  14.  19  Garr.,  op.  cit..  VI,  pi.  433/9. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


35 

on  the  Provencal  sarcophagi,  but  toward  the  right;  their  chitons  instead 
of  being  notched  around  the  bottom,  so  that  they  appear  to  hang  in  three 
triangular  pieces  as  on  the  Gallic  monuments,  are  cut  with  a straight  edge 
and  girded  about  the  waist.  This  feature  of  the  notched  chiton  was 
common,  if  not  peculiar,  to  the  costume  of  Orientals  on  the  monu- 
ments of  Provence.  On  a sarcophagus  of  Saint-Gilles20  in  the  scene  of 
the  three  Hebrews  before  the  bust  of  Nebuchadnezzar  the  young  men, 
instead  of  looking  at  the  bust,  are  concerned  with  a star  above  their  heads; 
they  use  the  same  gestures  and  attitudes  as  the  Magi  on  the  Arles  sar- 
cophagi and  they  also  wear  the  notched  chitons. 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  book  covers  (Fig.  27)  and  on  the  Werden 
casket  (Fig.  28),  which  is  always  to  be  associated  with  the  covers,  is 


Fig.  27.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  The  Magi  gazing  at  the  Star. 

nearly  identical,  even  to  the  gestures  and  notched  chitons  of  the  Magi, 
with  the  representations  of  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence.  The  similarity 
in  fact  is  so  marked  as  undoubtedly  to  connect  the  ivories  with  southern 
Gaul.  While  the  intimate  religious  bond  between  Provence  and  Syria 
relates  the  scene  on  the  sarcophagi  and  ivories  to  the  Syrian  feast  on 
January  6,  the  text  of  Pseudo-Matthew,21  which  we  have  seen  in- 
fluencing the  rendering  of  other  scenes  on  the  Milan  and  Werden  ivories, 
offers  a source  for  the  actual  representation.  In  the  apocryphal  account 
we  read  that  “when  the  Magi  were  going  on  their  way,  there  appeared 

2r-  Lc  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  Chretiens  do  la  Gaule,  pi.  XXXVI/2. 

21  Michel,  Evangiles  apocryphes,  Paris,  1911,  p.  hi. 


36  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

to  them  the  star,  which  was,  as  it  were,  a guide  to  them,  going  before  them 
until  it  came  to  where  the  Child  was.  And  when  the  Magi  saw  the  star, 
they  rejoiced  with  great  joy.” 

The  only  other  example  of  the  scene  in  the  early  Christian  period  is 
on  the  ambo  of  Salonica  whose  artistic  connections  with  Syria  have  been 


Fig.  28.  S.  Kensington:  Victoria  and  Al- 
bert Museum,  ivory  casket.  The  Magi  gaz- 
ing at  the  Star. 

pointed  out  by  Bayet22  and  are  shown  by  my  own  classification  of  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi.23  The  presence  of  this  scene  on  the  ambo,  while 
its  composition  is  quite  distinct  from  that  of  the  Provencal  sarcophagi  and 
ivories,  confirms  the  Syrian  inspiration  of  the  work.  In  the  eighth  century 
the  scene  occurs  on  an  ivory  from  Egypt  at  Bologna  in  a form  resembling 
the  Provenqal  type.  The  same  scene  appears  after  the  ninth  century  in 
several  Ottoman  manuscripts  (see  Fig.  47)  and  in  Italy  among  the  frescoes 
of  S.  Urbano  alia  Caffarella  and  in  panels  of  the  bronze  doors  of  the 
cathedrals  at  Pisa  and  Monreale. 


VI 

THE  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI 

The  Epiphany  is  as  complicated  in  art  as  it  is  involved  in  liturgy. 
With  few  exceptions  the  distinctive  feature  which  separates  the  scenes  of 
the  West  from  those  of  the  East  during  the  first  eight  centuries  of  Chris- 
tian art  is  the  aspect  of  the  Magi,  who  are  beardless  on  the  monuments  of 
the  West  and  on  those  of  the  East  are  either  all  bearded  or  are  differenti- 

22  Duchesne  and  Bayet,  op.  cit.,  p.  249  sq. 

23  See  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  p.  55. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  37 

ated  in  age  by  the  first  Magus  having  a heavy  beard,  the  second  Magus  hav- 
ing a light  beard,  and  the  last  being  beardless.  Also  the  frontal  Madonna 
in  the  scene  is  an  Oriental  characteristic  never  seen  on  the  monuments  of 
the  West  save  as  it  was  introduced  directly  from  the  East.  The  main 
types1  of  the  Adoration  in  art  are  the  Hellenistic,  the  Hellenistic-Oriental, 
the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  the  Palestinian-Coptic,  and  the  Byzantine.  Before 
discussing  the  classification  of  the  scenes  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  it 
is  necessary  to  mention  the  highly  symbolic  composition  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury arch  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,2  which  defies  all  classification. 
It  is  called  by  Richter  “The  Coming  of  the  Orient  to  Christ’’  (Fig.  29). 


Fig.  29.  Rome:  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  mosaic.  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


Christ  is  figured  as  a youth  dressed  in  a long  white  tunic  with  purple  clavi 
and  seated  on  a large,  jewelled,  quadrangular  throne  with  a gemmed  suppe- 
daneum.  The  miraculous  star  is  poised  above  His  head  and  four  angels 
stand  behind  His  throne.  To  the  right  of  the  central  group  is  a small 
throne  on  which  is  seated  a woman  enveloped  in  sombre  purple,  who  has 
been  variously  interpreted  as  a Sibyl,  an  attendant,  and  as  the  personifica- 
tion of  Ecclesia  ex  Circumcisione.  The  seated  Byzantine  figure  at  the 
left,  apparently  a Madonna,  is  an  interpolation  of  the  eighteenth  century.3 

1 Kehrer,  Die  Heiligen  drei  Konige  in  Literatur  und  Kunst,  Leipzig,  1908 ; Heisenberg, 
Grabeskirche  und  Apostelkirche,  Leipzig,  1908,  II,  p.  229;  Liell,  Die  Darstellung  der  aller- 
heiligsten  Jungfrau,  Freiburg  \/b,  1887;  Rohault  de  Fleury,  L’Bvangile  ; Lehner,  Die 
Marienverehrung  in  den  ersten  Jahrhunderten,  Stuttgart,  1886;  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art 
and  Archaeology,  p.  654;  Duchesne  and  Bayet,  Mem.  sur  une  Mission  au  Mont  Athos,  1876, 
p.  249-300. 

2 Table  II,  no.  1 : Richter  and  Taylor,  The  Golden  Age  of  the  Classic  Christian  Art  part 
II,  ch.  v. 

3 Richter  and  Taylor,  op.  cit.,  p.  331. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


38 

In  all  probability  one  of  the  Magi  has  been  destroyed  for  now  only  two 
Magi  to  the  right  of  the  throne  advance  with  gifts. 

West.  The  Hellenistic  Type. 

The  general  characteristics  of  the  Hellenistic  type  are : the  beardless 
Magi  advancing  in  a line,  the  young  Jesus  of  two  years  sitting  in  His 
mother's  lap,  the  Virgin  at  first  represented  sitting  in  a three-quarters 
attitude  and  later  in  profile,  and  the  absence  of  Joseph  or  any  figures  to 
give  the  scene  the  appearance  of  an  actual  event.  This  Hellenistic  type 
may  he  subdivided  as  it  presents  different  variations  into  several  groups : 
an  early  group  where  the  Virgin  sits  in  a Hellenistic  three-quarters  at- 
titude, a rare  “Epiphany  type”  where  the  Magi  worship  the  young  Jesus 
in  His  manger,  a later  group  where  the  Virgin  is  represented  in  profile, 
and  the  Provencal  type  where  the  Magi  usually  wear  the  peculiar  notched 
chiton  referred  to  in  the  discussion  of  the  preceding  scene. 

The  reasons  for  calling  this  type  Hellenistic  are : the  early  appearance 
of  the  scene  in  Christian  art,  the  Hellenistic  character  of  the  Virgin’s 
attitude,  and  the  derivation  of  the  Magi  from  the  representations  of  the 
Mithraic  cult  so  numerous  in  late  Hellenistic  art  throughout  the  Mediter- 
ranean world.  In  the  first  place  this  type  began  as  early  as  the  second 
century  when  Christian  art  had  only  Hellenistic  models  to  which  to  turn. 
Second,  the  easy  posture  of  the  Virgin,  who  on  all  the  monuments  of  the 
first  group  sits  in  a three-quarters  pose,  belongs  rather  to  the  art  of  the 
catacombs  than  to  that  of  the  sarcophagi.  The  relation  of  the  Christian 
Magi  in  the  scene  of  the  Adoration  to  the  Hellenistic  representations  of 
Oriental  priests  has  been  shown  by  a first  century  relief  from  the  Villa 
Borghese  published  by  Bienkowski.4  The  costumes  of  the  two  priests  on 
this  relief,  including  the  Phrygian  caps,  the  short  chitons,  the  chlamydes 
and  the  anaxyrides,  are  identical  with  the  garments  which  are  worn  by 
the  Magi  on  the  sarcophagi;  furthermore,  the  priests  bear  gifts  to  a god- 
dess, the  one  at  the  right  extending  a large  wreath  on  veiled  hands  while 
the  other  priest  at  the  right  presents  a vase  in  the  same  manner.  This 
form  of  presenting  gifts  on  veiled  hands  is  usually  followed  on  the  sar- 
cophagi and  even  the  wreath  and  the  vase  are  frequently  figured  among 
the  gifts. 

4 See  Von  Sybel,  Rom.  Mitt.,  1912,  p.  311  sq.,  fig.  1. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


39 


Besides  this  first  century  prototype  for  the  Magi  and  their  gifts,  an- 
other instance  of  the  influence  of  classical  art  upon  the  Christian  scene 
is  afforded  by  a sarcophagus  relief  at  Rome  from  the  Villa  Doria  Panfili.5 
Here  in  a scene  of  the  Adoration  the  Virgin  with  the  young  Jesus  on  her 
knees  lies  in  classical  fashion  on  a couch.  Although  unique  among  the 
representations  of  the  Adoration,  this  example  shows  the  tendency  of  the 
artists  even  of  the  fourth  century  to  turn  to  Hellenistic  models. 

Another  Hellenistic  feature  of  this  type  is  its  general  symbolic  char- 
acter. The  absence  of  Joseph  or  any  other  figures  to  mark  the  scene  as 
an  actual  event  emphasizes  the  symbolism  which  depicts  the  Magi  as  the 
first  converts  from  paganism.6  During  the  first  five  centuries  Christian 
art,  besides  being  Hellenistic  in  character,  was  not  primarily  narrative, 
but  symbolic.  To  sum  up,  tbe  Hellenistic  character  of  this  first  type  is 
shown  by  its  dependence  on  Hellenistic  models,  its  symbolic  rather  than 
narrative  conception,  and  its  early  inception  when  Christian  art  was  purely 
classic  in  its  forms. 

This  Hellenistic  type  was  not  peculiar  to  Rome  and  the  West  but  was 
generally  known  throughout  the  Mediterranean  basin.  While  all  the  West- 
ern examples  of  the  Adoration  prior  to  the  eighth  century  belong  to  this 
type,  all  the  examples  of  the  Hellenistic  type  are  not  Occidental.  As  far 
as  its  Oriental  and  Hellenistic  prototypes  go,  it  might  well  have  originated 
in  any  one  of  the  large  cities  of  the  East  or  even  in  Rome  itself;  but  it  is 
more  likely  that  the  type  came  from  Alexandria,  the  great  centre  of 
Hellenistic  art  and  the  most  important  centre  of  Hellenistic  Christianity. 

The  fact  that  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany  first  originated  in  Alexandria 
sustains  the  probable  Alexandrian  origin  of  the  Hellenistic  type.  In 
Alexandria,  early  in  the  second  century,  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany  was 
celebrated  on  the  eleventh  of  Tybi  or  the  sixth  of  January  in  the  Gregorian 
calendar;7  from  that  centre  it  spread  in  the  East  over  Syria,  Asia  Minor, 
north  to  Constantinople  and  in  the  W est  to  Gaul  and  Spain.8 

The  first  patristic  reference  to  the  triple  gift  of  gold,  myrrh,  and 
frankincense  comes  in  the  second  century  from  Origen9  of  Alexandria. 
St.  Irenaeus,1"  bishop  of  Lyon  from  170,  developer]  the  complicated 

•’Table  II,  no.  2. 

'•  \\  ilpert,  Le  Pitture  delle  catacombe  Roinane,  p.  176. 

’ Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  24.  * Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  24,  25. 

9 Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  13,  note  7.  10  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  12. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


40 

theological  significance  in  these  gifts.  In  the  gold,  incense,  and  myrrh 
Irenaeus  saw  the  symbols  of  Christ  as  King,  God,  and  mortal.  While 
Clement11  of  Alexandria  propounded  that  the  gold  itself  was  the  incor- 
ruptible Logos,  proof  against  the  corruption  of  rust,  the  symbolism  of 
Irenaeus  was  widely  accepted  and  in  the  West  was  restated  by  Sedulius12 
and  Prudentius.13  And  yet,  while  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  and  practically 
all  the  theologians  of  both  the  East  and  the  West  state  that  the  triple  gift 
of  the  Magi  was  gold,  myrrh,  and  incense,  the  gifts  in  the  scenes  of  the 
Adoration  on  the  Western  sarcophagi  show  a wide  range  of  objects.14 
In  fourteen  sarcophagus  representations  the  first  Magus  carries  a wreath 
resting  on  a cloth.15  A Hellenistic  prototype  of  this  wreath  has  already 
been  seen  in  the  wreath  offered  by  the  priest  on  the  first  century 
relief  from  the  Villa  Borghese.  Some  such  image  seems  to  have  been 
in  the  mind  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,16  who,  in  developing  his  symbolism 
of  the  Logos,  frequently  refers  to  the  “golden  wreath”  which  the  Magi 
presented  to  the  Christ  Child.  It  is  significant  that  the  literary  parallel 
for  this  persistent  and  peculiar  detail  of  the  Hellenistic  Epiphanies  is  found 
in  a Christian  writer  of  Alexandria. 

Group  I.  The  Virgin  seated  in  a three-quarters  posture. 

This  group17  includes  both  catacomb  and  sarcophagus  representations 
and  the  consistent  characteristics  are  the  beardless  Magi,  the  Virgin  seated 
in  a three-quarters  attitude,  and  the  Child  of  two  years  in  His  mother’s 
lap.  While  on  a majority  of  the  examples  the  Magi  are  three  in  number 
and  advance  with  their  gifts  in  a line,  among  the  catacomb  representations 
there  are  three  scenes  where  the  number  of  Magi  is  only  two,  one  scene 
where  they  are  four,  and  two  examples  where  they  do  not  advance  in 
a line  but  are  arranged  symmetrically.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that 
in  the  second  century  fresco  of  the  Greek  Chapel18  the  scene  commences 
in  the  form  which  later  becomes  universal.  This  form  is  illustrated  by 

11  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  13.  12  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  pp.  33-34. 

13  Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  p.  176;  Prudentius,  Catliemerinon,  XII,  19  in  Migne,  P.L.,  LIX, 
905- 

11  Many  of  the  gifts  of  the  Magi  can  not  be  recognized  and  may  well  be  taken  to  rep- 
resent any  one  of  the  triple  gifts,  which  have  no  marked  distinguishing  features.  In  most 
cases  the  gifts  represented  appear  to  have  been  a matter  of  choice  with  the  artists.  On 
three  sarcophagi  (Table  II,  nos.  15,  20,  29)  one  of  the  Magi  carries  a dish  containing 
two  doves  which  suggests  that  the  idea  of  purification  was  implied. 

15  Table  II,  nos.  19,  20,  21,  24-30,  33,  37,  42,  43- 

16  Kehrer,  op.  cit..  I,  p.  13.  17  Table  II,  Group  1.  18  Table  II,  no.  3. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


41 

the  early  fourth  century  fresco  in  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus  shown  in  Fig. 
30.  In  the  two  frescoes  in  the  catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro  e Marcellino19  where 
there  are  only  two  Magi,  the  number  was  reduced,  as  Wilpert20  says,  be- 


Fig.  30.  Rome:  Catacomb  of  Cal-  Fig.  31.  Rome:  Catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro  e 
lixtus.  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  Marcellino.  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 

cause  of  the  lack  of  space  and  from  the  desire  to  balance  the  panel  with  a 
scene  on  the  other  side  of  the  cubiculum.  In  the  case  of  the  fresco  (Fig.  31 ) 
in  SS.  Pietro  e Marcellino,21  where  the  two  Magi  are  arranged  one  on  either 
side  of  the  Virgin,  and  in  Domitilla,22  where  the  four  Magi  are  placed  two 
on  either  side  of  the  Mother  and  Child,  the  reason  was  a frank  desire  to 
obtain  symmetry.  Moreover,  during  the  earlier  centuries  there  was  no 
absolute  obligation  to  represent  the  number  of  Magi  as  three.  While  the 
Christian  Fathers  agreed  in  stating  that  the  Magi  brought  a triple  offering 
and  it  was  assumed  that  each  Magus  brought  one  gift,  it  was  not  until  the 
sixth  century  that  the  three  Magi  were  named  in  the  Syrian  “Spelunca 
Thesaurorum.’'23  Therefore,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  in  Rome  during 
the  third  century  and  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  century  some  freedom, 
caused  by  the  exigencies  of  space  and  the  desire  for  symmetry,  in  the 
number  of  the  Magi  represented. 

Group  II.  The  “ Epiphany  Type”24  (Fig.  32). 

This  group,  which  is  composed  of  six  sarcophagus  representations  of 
the  Adoration,  is  characterized  by  the  beardless  Magi  advancing  in  a line 
with  their  gifts  to  the  young  Jesus  who  lies  in  His  crib  under  a manger 

19  Table  II,  nos.  5,  6.  20  Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  p.  179. 

21  Tab,e  H.  no.  4.  22  Tabie  n,  no.  - 

-Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  65;  Bezold,  Spelunca  Thesaurorum,  Leipzig,  1883,  p.  57. 

-4  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  II,  p.  21  sq. ; while  isolating  this  “Epiphany  type”  Kehrer  also  at- 
tempts to  establish  another  combination  type  which  he  calls  the  “Christmas  type.” 
ThL  last,  as  he  describes  it,  shows  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  combined  with  a con- 
tiguous scene  of  the  Nativity  which  would,  therefore,  date  the  monuments  on  which 
it  occurs  after  354,  for  after  that  date  the  Nativity,  formerly  celebrated  by  the  Roman 


4 2 EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

roof.25  Kehrer’s  reason  for  calling  this  group  the  “Epiphany  type”  is 
that  it  depicts  the  Adoration  as  happening  at  the  time  of  the  Birth  and 
because  at  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany  on  January  6 the  Adoration  and 
the  Nativity  were  celebrated  together.  The  date  of  this  group,  however, 
would  be  anterior  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  or  not  much  later, 
for  the  well  known  Calendar  of  354  gives  the  Nativity  as  a separate  feast 


Fig.  32.  Ancona:  sarcophagus.  Ado-  Fig.  33.  Rome:  Sarcophagus.  Ado- 
ration of  the  Magi.  ration  of  the  Magi. 


on  December  25,  showing  that  by  that  time  the  two  festivals  had  ceased  to 
be  synchronous  in  Roman  usage.  It  is  also  to  he  noted  that  on  this  early 
group  of  sarcophagi  the  Virgin  sits  in  a three-quarters  attitude. 

Group  III.  The  Virgin  in  pro  file. 26 

This  group,  which  is  largely  composed  of  representations  on  sarcophagi 
of  Rome  (Fig.  33),  offers  no  features  differing  from  the  scene  on  the 
sarcophagi  of  the  first  group  save  the  fact  that  the  Virgin  is  no  longer 
represented  in  the  Hellenistic  three-quarters  posture  but  in  profile.  Theo- 
retically the  monuments  of  this  group  should  be  later  than  those  of  the 
first  group,  reflecting  as  they  do  the  later  tendency  toward  a frontal  or 
a profile  rendering  of  the  figure. 

Group  IV.  Odd  examples  of  the  Hellenistic  Type  in  the  West  which  are 
connected  with  Eastern  art  centres.21 
That  the  Hellenistic  type  was  not  peculiar  to  the  West,  but  was  used 
throughout  the  Mediterranean  basin,  is  shown  by  at  least  two  examples 
of  this  group.  A fifth  century  panel  of  the  carved  wooden  doors  of  Santa 

church  along  with  Epiphany  on  Jan.  6,  was  made  a separate  feast  on  December  25.  While 
I have  kept  the  Epiphany  type  in  my  classification,  I have  not  isolated  the  “Christmas” 
type  because  on  the  three  sarcophagi  (Table  II,  nos.  25,  26,  31),  on  which  Kehrer  says 
that  it  appears,  the  scene  that  he  calls  a Nativity  I have  shown  to  be  an  Adoration  of  the 
Shepherds  (see  Nativity,  p.  14)  and  not  an  actual  representation  of  the  Birth. 

25  Table  II,  Group  2.  2,;  Table  II,  Group  3.  27  Table  II,  Group  4. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


43 

Sabina2S  at  Rome,  the  style  of  which  is  undoubtedly  that  of  some  one  of  the 
great  Hellenistic  centres  in  the  East,  represents  (Fig.  34)  the  three  Magi, 
beardless,  advancing  in  a line  toward  the  Virgin,  who  is  seated  in  a three- 
quarters  position  on  a high  podium,  holding  the  two  year  old  Child  in  her 


Fig.  34.  Rome  : S.  Sabina,  panel  of  doors. 
Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


lap.  On  the  sarcophagus29  of  the  Armenian  Exarch  Isaac  (d.  643  A.  D.), 
formerly  in  S.  Vitale  and  now  in  the  Royal  Museum  at  Ravenna,  occurs 
this  same  Hellenistic  type.  This  sarcophagus,  as  is  shown  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  which  occurs  on  it,30  may 
be  connected  with  the  East  through  an  Oriental  relief  recently  found  in 
Phrygia.  The  two  amulets  in  the  Vatican  which  are  as  late  as  the  sixth 
century,  as  the  use  of  the  nimbi  on  the  Virgin  and  Child  would  show,  can 
not  be  located,  although  their  style  is  that  of  the  amulets  coming  from 
Palestine  and  Egypt.31 

Group  V-A.  Proven  gal  Type. 

The  main  feature  of  the  Adoration  on  the  ivories  assigned  to  Provence 
is  the  curious  notched  chiton  (already  noticed  as  a Provenqal  characteristic 
in  the  Appearance  of  the  Star32)  which  the  Magi  wear.  The  same  chitons 
are  used  in  the  Adoration  on  a Provengal  sarcophagus  at  Saint-Gilles.33 
On  the  Milan  book  covers34  (Fig.  35),  in  addition  to  such  details  as  the 
beardless  Magi  advancing  in  a line  toward  the  young  Child  of  two  years 
seated  in  His  mother's  lap,  the  scene  is  represented  in  a house  which  ap- 
pears as  a brick  wall  extending  across  the  back  of  the  composition.  It 

2,5  Table  II,  no.  38.  20  Tab]e  n,  no.  41. 

30  See  Raising  of  Lazarus,  p.  116.  31  Table  II,  nos.  39,  40. 

32  See  p.  34.  Comparison  of  Fig.  34  with  Fig.  26  will  show  how  the  “notched”  chiton 
worn  by  the  Magi  on  the  doors  of  S.  Sabina  differs  from  the  Provengal  garment. 

33  Table  II,  no.  43.  34  Table  II,  no.  46. 


44 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


is  not  only  the  representation  of  the  scene  in  a house  but  also  the  manner 
of  representing  it  that  connects  the  scene  on  the  other  ivories  of  the  group 
with  the  rendering  on  the  Milan  covers.  The  scene  on  the  Werden  casket 
(Fig.  36)  is  similar  to  the  Adoration  of  the  Milan  ivory35  in  that  the 
Virgin,  heavily  veiled,  is  seated  in  a three-quarters  position  on  a cathedra ; 
in  her  lap  is  seated  the  young  Jesus  clothed  in  a long  tunic;  and  from  left 
to  right  the  three  Magi,  beardless  and  wearing  the  odd  notched  chiton,  ad- 


Fig.  35.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory 
BOOK  COVERS.  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI. 


Fig.  36.  S.  Kensington  : Victoria  and  Al- 
bert Museum,  ivory  casket.  Adoration  of 
the  Magi. 


vance  in  a line  with  their  gifts.  The  representation  on  the  Nevers  frag- 
ment (Fig.  164)  is  almost  identical  with  that  on  the  Milan  ivory,  even  to 
the  brick  structure  in  the  background.36 

Group  V-B.  Continuation  of  the  Hellenistic  Types  into  Carolingian  Art. 

The  Provenqal  rendering,  where  the  Magi,  all  beardless  and  wearing 
notched  chitons,  advance  in  a line  with  their  gifts  for  the  Christ  Child 
of  two  years,  who  sits  in  His  mother’s  lap,  was  transmitted  about 
800  directly  into  Carolingian  art.  It  appears,  even  with  the  brick  build- 
ing in  the  background  which  characterizes  the  representation  on  the  Milan 
and  Nevers  ivories,  in  the  Bodleian  book  cover  at  Oxford37  (see  Fig. 
169.)  In  the  same  century  the  type  occurs  not  only  in  the  Sacramentarium 
of  Drogo38  (Fig.  37),  and  a silver  casket  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum,39  but 
also  on  four  ivories.40  The  main  difference  in  these  scenes  from  that  on  the 
Bodleian  book  cover  is  the  introduction  of  the  plain  nimbus  for  the  Virgin 
and  the  cruciform  nimbus  for  the  Saviour.  The  Adoration  on  a Lombard 
relief  in  the  Berlin  Museum  (Fig.  38),  where  the  Hellenistic  feature 

35  Table  II,  no.  47.  See  also  p.  226,  note  14. 

30  Table  II,  no.  45.  37  Table  II,  no.  48. 

38  Table  II,  no.  50.  3n  Table  II,  no.  53. 

40  Table  II,  nos.  51,  52,  54,  55. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


45 

of  the  beardless  Magi  is  preserved,  differs  from  the  other  examples  of 
the  group  in  that  the  Child  lies  in  His  crib,  and  Joseph  is  figured  in  the 
composition.  This  Lombard  scene  is,  therefore,  more  directly  a continua- 


Fig.  37.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Sacramentary 
of  Drogo.  The  Magi. 

tion  of  the  so-called  Epiphany  type,  seen  in  Group  II  and  illustrated 
in  Fig.  32. 


THE  HELLENISTIC  TYPE  AND  PSEUDO-MATTHEW 

The  possible  texts  which  would  in  any  way  influence  or  confirm  the 
use  of  this  Hellenistic  type  are  rare.  Apparently,  as  an  artistic  type,  it 


Fig.  38.  Berlin:  Museum,  Lombard  relief. 

Adoration  of  the  Magi. 

grew  up  in  direct  contradiction  of  an  early  tradition  that  the  Birth  and 
the  Adoration  were  synchronous.  On  all  the  monuments  of  the  Hellenistic 
type,  save  for  the  small  Epiphany  group,  the  young  Jesus  is  represented 
as  a child  of  two  years.  The  fact  that  in  Rome  prior  to  the  middle  of 
the  fourth  century  the  Nativity  was  celebrated  as  a part  of  the  Adoration 
and  that  all  the  Eastern  writers  speak  of  the  Magi  finding  the  Child  in 
a cavern  would  show  that  the  more  prevalent  tradition  among  the 


46  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

theologians  was  that  Jesus  was  just  born  when  the  Magi  came  to  wor- 
ship Him.41 

Nevertheless,  there  must  have  existed  also  the  tradition  that  the  Adora- 
tion took  place  two  years  after  the  Birth,  for  the  symbolic  character  of 
the  Hellenistic  type  does  not  explain  the  Child  sitting  in  His  mother’s  lap. 
The  Gospel  of  Matthew  (ii,  n),  which  is  the  only  canonical  book  that 
relates  the  Adoration,  vaguely  suggests,  in  saying  that  Herod  killed  all  the 
babes  of  two  years  and  that  when  the  Magi  “were  come  into  the  house, 
they  saw  the  young  Child  with  Mary  His  mother,”  that  Jesus  was  two 
years  old  when  the  Wise  Men  came  to  offer  Him  their  gifts. 

The  translator  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  however,  when  he  was  turning 
his  apocryphal  sources  into  Latin  evidently  sought  to  reconcile  his  text 
with  the  prevalent  custom  of  representing  Jesus  as  a child  of  two.  We 
read,42  “Two  years  having  passed,  some  Magi  came  from  the  Orient  to 
Jerusalem,”  and,  “entering  into  the  house,  they  found  the  Child  Jesus  rest- 
ing on  His  mother’s  breast.”  At  the  time  when  the  book  was  translated 
the  West  had  separated  the  Birth  from  the  Adoration  by  establishing 
the  new  feast  on  December  25,  and  the  Hellenistic  type  had  become  the 
regular  Western  type.  Thus,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox 
and  the  Ass,  the  Pseudo-Matthew,  when  it  was  translated,  was  brought 
into  accord  with  an  iconographic  tradition  already  established  in  the  West. 

East. 

The  main  distinction  between  the  Adoration  scenes  of  the  East  and 
those  of  the  West  is,  as  said  before,  the  aspect  of  the  Magi.  The  Magi 
in  the  West  are  beardless,  while  on  the  Eastern  monuments  they  are  either 
all  bearded  or,  as  is  more  often  the  case,  are  differentiated  in  age  and 
importance,  the  first  Magus  being  heavily  bearded,  the  second  lightly 
bearded,  and  the  last  beardless.  This  attempt  to  give  individuality  and 
separate  distinction  to  each  of  the  Wise  Men  was  characteristic  of  the 
Oriental  attitude  toward  all  the  events  of  the  life  of  Christ.  The  whole 

41  Justin  Martyr  tells  of  the  Magi  finding  the  Child  in  a cavern  (Kehrer,  op.  cit., 
I,  p.  12)  ; John  Chrysostom  dwells  on  the  humility  which  permitted  the  Son  of  God  to 
be  exposed  to  the  gaze  of  shepherds  and  Magi  in  a cavern  (Kehrer,  p.  17)  ; the 
Syrian  Balaeus  (p.  17)  repeats  the  tradition,  which  is  carried  on  by  Petrus  Chrysologus 
(p.  81),  and  is  restated  in  the  Spelunca  Thesaurorum  and  in  the  Ethiopic  Vita  Adami 
(Kehrer,  p.  18). 

42  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  109. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


47 

tendency  of  Christian  art  from  the  fifth  century  on  in  the  East  was  to 
make  the  impersonal,  symbolical  art  of  the  earlier  centuries  more  his- 
torical and  narrative  in  character.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  we  may  call 
the  differentiation  of  the  Magi  an  Oriental  feature. 

That  the  Eastern  types,  with  the  exception  of  the  Byzantine,  disregard 
the  account  in  the  Protevangelium  of  James  and  of  the  Eastern  theologians 
which  says  that  the  Magi  came  to  worship  on  the  night  of  the  Nativity, 
and  depict  Jesus  as  a child  of  two  in  His  mother’s  arms,  indicates  that  they 
are  derivations  and  indigenous  adaptations  of  the  Hellenistic  type. 

The  types  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  which  stand  out  on  the  mon- 
uments of  the  East  are  the  Oriental  Hellenistic  type,  the  Alexandrian- 
Coptic  type,  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type,  and  the  Byzantine  type.  As 
characterized  by  their  most  distinguishing  features : the  Oriental  Hellen- 
istic type  is  the  same  as  the  regular  Hellenistic  type  save  that  the  Magi 
are  differentiated  in  age;  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  is  characterized  by  the 
Yirgin  in  a three-quarters  position  and  the  introduction  of  an  angel  who 
points  out  the  Child  to  the  Magi,  who  are  again  differentiated;  the  Pales- 
tinian-Coptic is  the  same  as  the  Alexandrian  save  that  the  Virgin  is  always 
represented  in  strict  frontality;  and  of  the  Byzantine  types,  one  is  a 
continuation  of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  while  the  second  is  an  original 
rendering  derived  from  the  liturgy.  This  differs  from  all  the  others  in 
showing  the  Child  new  born  in  His  crib,  and  in  uniting  with  the  Adoration 
of  the  Wise  Men  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  and  the  Angels. 

Group  YI-A.  The  Oriental  Hellenistic  Type. 

This  is  the  direct  continuation  in  the  East  of  the  Hellenistic  type; 
neither  the  angel  nor  Joseph  occurs  in  the  composition  and  the  three  Magi 
advance  in  a line  to  present  their  gifts  to  the  young  Jesus  of  two  years 
in  the  lap  of  the  Virgin,  who  sits  either  in  profile  or  in  a three-quarters 
pose.  The  only  difference  is  the  Eastern  characteristic  of  the  bearded 
Magi.  The  type  appears  on  the  encolpium  in  the  Ottoman  Museum  at 
Constantinople43  (Fig.  39),  in  very  similar  form  on  the  Strzygowski  en- 
colpium mentioned  before44  (p.  23),  an  ivory  pyxis  at  Florence,45  a 
sarcophagus46  at  Ravenna,  and  an  ivory  at  Rouen.47 

43  Table  II,  no.  56.  44  Table  II,  no.  57,  and  Errata.  45  Table  II,  no.  58. 

4(1  Table  II,  no.  60.  47  Table  II,  no.  59. 


48 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Group  VI-B.  The  Oriental-H ellenistic  Type  in  the  West. 

This  group  represents  the  continuation  of  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  type 
in  the  West.  With  the  exception  of  the  eighth  century  Lombard  relief48 
at  Zara,  where  the  first  two  Magi  are  bearded  and  the  last  is  beardless, 


Fig.  39.  Constantinople:  Imp.  Ottoman 
Museum,  encolpium.  Adoration  of  the  Magi 
(see  Fig.  15). 


all  the  examples  listed  are  Carolingian  and  Ottoman  ivories49  and  show 
all  three  Magi  bearded.  The  introduction  of  this  type  into  the  Western 
art  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  may  very  likely  have  come  either 
through  Ravenna  or  from  the  numerous  small  objects  which  were  brought 
back  to  the  West  by  pilgrims  from  Palestine. 

Group  VII-A.  The  Alexandrian-C optic  Type. 

The  chief  characteristic  which  differentiates  this  type  from  the  Hellen- 
istic type  is  the  introduction  of  the  angel  who,  standing  between  the 
Virgin  and  the  first  Magus,  points  out  the  Child  to  the  advancing  Wise 
Men.  The  Virgin  on  all  the  examples  of  this  type  sits  in  a three-quarters 
position,  or  at  least  her  head  is  turned  in  that  pose  which  was  characteristic 
of  the  Hellenistic  portraits  of  Alexandria.  The  Magi  are  represented 
advancing  in  a line  and  on  the  early  Alexandrian  examples  are  always 
differentiated  one  from  another  by  their  beards  while  on  the  later  Coptic 
examples  they  are  sometimes  beardless. 

The  reason  for  calling  the  type  Alexandrian-Coptic  is  its  appearance 
on  the  Maximianus  chair,  whose  Alexandrian  origin  has  already  been 
pointed  out  (p.  24),  and  on  several  later  monuments  of  unquestionably 
Coptic  origin. 

The  first  example  of  the  type  is  a fourth  century  relief,50  found  in 
Carthage.  Although  the  relief  is  badly  mutilated,  it  still  shows  great 
beauty  of  workmanship.  The  Virgin  and  Child  sit  in  a most  natural  and 


48  Table  II,  no.  62. 


49  Table  II,  nos.  63-66. 


50  Table  II,  no.  67. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


49 


easy  three-quarters  position  and  before  the  fine  classic  seat  on  which 
the  Yirgin  sits  stands  a winged  angel  pointing  out  to  the  three  Magi 
(who  unluckily  are  badly  damaged)  the  young  Jesus  seated  in  His  mother’s 
lap.  Behind  the  Mother  and  Child  are  traces  of  two  male  figures  in 
whom  Delattre  recognizes  the  two  prophets’1  who  foretold  that  a virgin 
would  bring  forth  a child  to  the  world.  If  Delattre  is  right,  this  intro- 
duction of  the  prophets  reminds  one  of  Alexandrian  exegetics  which  per- 
sistently sought  for  parallels  to  the  New  Testament  in  the  characters  and 
incidents  of  the  Old.  The  fine  execution,  the  classical  poise  and  draperies 
of  the  figures,  and  the  bold,  high  relief  show  that  the  monument  must 
have  been  the  product  of  the  best  Hellenistic  workmanship  in  the  fourth 
century.52 

To  this  same  century  belongs  a relief  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi 
at  Kahrie  Djami53  at  Constantinople  which  displays  essentially  the  same 
Hellenistic  workmanship  and  the  same  composition  save  for  the  fact  that 
the  two  prophets  are  omitted  and  the  figure  of  Joseph  introduced  in  their 
place. 

After  these  fourth  century  examples,  the  type  occurs  first  on  the 
Maximianus  chair.54  The  panel  with  the  three  Magi  is  lost  but  on  the 
part  that  remains  the  Yirgin  appears  in  the  same  three-quarters  position, 
the  angel,  standing  between  the  Madonna  and  the  first  Magus,  points 
out  the  Child  to  the  Magi,  and  behind  the  Virgin's  cathedra  is  Joseph  (Fig. 
40).  On  the  ivory  book  covers  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels55  the  composi- 
tion ie  strikingly  similar  to  that  on  the  Maximiamus  chair.  The  high 
backed  armchair  of  wicker  in  which  the  Yirgin  is  seated  is  identical  with 
her  seat  on  the  Maximianus  chair;  on  both  ivories  the  winged  angel  stands 
in  the  same  position  between  the  first  Magus  and  the  Madonna,  and  Joseph 
appears  on  both  monuments.  According  to  the  description  of  Trombelli56 
the  Magi  who  are  now  gone  from  the  ivory  chair  were  prostrate  on  their 
knees.  The  tunics  and  anaxyrides  of  the  Magi  on  the  Etschmiadzin  cover 
are  identical  with  the  costumes  worn  by  the  Egyptians  in  the  Joseph 

51  Delattre,  Musecs  dc  I’Algcrie,  III,  p.  1. 

52  Strzygowski,  Dcnkschriftcn  dcr  Kaiserlichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaftcn,  ( Philos 
Hist.  Klasse),  Vienna,  1906,  p.  125,  141,  describes  a fragmentary  Adoration  in  the  Alex- 
andrian "World-Chronicle”  (c.  400),  of  which  only  traces  of  the  Virgin  and  Child  remain. 

53  Table  II,  no.  68.  51  Table  II,  no.  69.  55  Table  II,  no.  70. 

Garr.,  VI,  p.  21;  Trombelli,  De  cultu  SS.  diss.,  IX,  p.  247.  The  panel  was  in  the 
Baruffaldi  Collection. 


50 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Fig.  40.  Ravenna:  Archbishop’s  Palace, 

IVORY  PANEL  OF  CHAIR  OF  MaxIMIANUS.  PART 

of  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


scenes57  of  the  Maximianus  chair,  with  the  costumes  of  the  gift  bearing 
Orientals  on  the  Barberini58  diptych  of  Alexandria,  and  also  with  those 
worn  by  a figure  on  the  Coptic  pyxis  of  St.  Menas59  in  the  British  Museum. 

In  further  evidence  of  Egyptian  origin  the  Adoration  occurs  on  two 
Coptic  textiles  (Eig.  41)  and  on  a Coptic  medallion60  with  the  same  essen- 
tial feature  of  the  angel.  In  passing,  however,  from  Lower  Egypt  to  the 
more  indigenous  art  of  Upper  Egypt,  the  type  lost  all  its  Hellenistic  style. 
Also  on  the  textile  examples  the  Magi  are  beardless  and  instead  of  ad- 

57  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  421,  1,  3.  58  Diehl,  Manuel,  fig.  141. 

59  Dalton,  Catalogue  of  Early  Christian  Antiqnitic s in  the  British  Museum,  1901,  no. 
297,  pi.  IX. 

00  Table  II,  nos.  71,  72,  73. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


5* 

vancing  in  a line  they  are  scattered  about  in  the  composition.  This  casual 
arrangement  of  the  Magi  is  due  either  to  a primitive  horror  vacui  of  the 
crude  Coptic  art  or  to  the  fact  that  all  the  compositions  are  within  circles 
which  do  not  afford  space  for  representing  the  Magi  in  a line. 

Group  \ II-B.  The  Byzantine  continuation  of  the  Ale xandrian-C optic 
Type. 

This  type,  which  was  fundamentally  Hellenistic  in  character,  was  not 
popular,  and  from  the  sixth  century  it  encountered  the  competition  of 
Oriental  types  which  in  time  supplanted  it.  It  appears  in  the  eighth  century 


Fig.  41.  Strassburg:  Forrer  Collection, 

TEXTILE  MEDALLION  FROM  AkMIM,  EGYPT. 

Adoration  of  the  Magi. 

in  Italy  in  a mosaic  of  the  chapel  of  John  VII61  in  old  St.  Peter’s,  a portion 
of  which  is  now  in  the  sacristy  of  Santa  Maria  in  Cosmedin62  and  on  a 
Lombard  relief.60  It  also  occurs  in  the  ninth  century  in  the  Byzantine 
manuscript  No.  510  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris64  (Pig.  42)  and 
in  another  Greek  manuscript  of  the  tenth  century.65  In  the  eleventh 
century  the  type  appears  at  Rome  in  the  frescoes  of  Sant’  Urbano66  and 
again  at  Athens  in  the  mosaics  of  Daphni.67 

THE  PALESTINIAN-COPTIC  TYPE 

The  dominating  features  of  this  Palestmian-Coptic  type  are  its  monu- 
mental character  and  its  tendency  to  stylized,  symmetrical  compositions. 
The  A irgin,  instead  of  being  represented  either  in  profile  or  in  three- 

61  Table  II,  no.  75.  62  Table  II,  no.  76.  63  Table  II,  no.  77. 

61  Table  II,  no.  78.  65  Table  II,  no.  79-  66  Table  II,  no.  81. 

67  Table  II,  no.  82. 


52 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


quarters,  is  always  depicted  in  strict  frontality.  The  tendency  for  stylized 
and  symmetrical  compositions  appears  in  the  fact  that  either  the  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi  is  balanced  by  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Madonna  or  that  the  Magi  are  arranged  two  on  one 
side  of  the  Virgin  and  the  other  Magus  and  an  angel  are  placed  on  the 
other  side  to  provide  the  needed  symmetry.  Invariably  the  Magi  are 
differentiated  in  age  by  their  varying  beards  and  one  or  more  angels 


Fig.  42.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.  Ms.  gr.  510. 

Adoration  of  the  Magi. 

are  figured  in  the  scene.  When  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds  is  joined 
with  the  Worship  of  the  Wise  Men  there  are  two  angels  present,  one 
summoning  the  Magi  and  the  other  calling  the  shepherds  to  the  scene. 

The  Oriental  Christians,  while  they  multiplied  details  in  their  endeavor 
to  give  to  all  the  scenes  of  the  Bible  as  much  historical  reality  as  possible, 
were  not  realistic  in  their  artistic  methods  and  always  tended  to  stylize 
their  forms  of  expression.  As  the  ancient  Egyptians  and  the  Assyrians 
formalized  their  art,  so  the  Oriental  Christians,  when  their  indigenous 
tendencies  began  to  assert  themselves  against  the  older  Hellenistic  tradi- 
tions, always  tended  to  represent  their  figures  in  their  broadest  aspect 
and  to  give  their  compositions  a symmetrical,  monumental  character. 

The  frontal  Madonna,  so  hieratic  in  character,  which  is  the  distinguish- 
ing feature  of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type,  is  purely  an  Oriental  creation. 
The  representation  of  the  frontal  Madonna  with  a nimbus,  whether  she 
appears  solely  as  the  Theotokos,  in  the  scene  of  the  Flight  into  Egypt,  or 
in  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  is  to  be  considered  as  a mark  either  of 
Eastern  origin  or  of  direct  Eastern  influence. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


53 


Group  VIII-A.  The  Palestinian  Group  of  the  Palestinian-C optic  Type. 

The  type  originated  in  Palestine.  This  is  shown  by  its  appearance 
on  numerous  monuments  which  may  be  definitely  connected  with  the  Holy 
Land,  by  its  monumental  character  which  recalls  the  mosaics  of  the  Church 
of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem,  and  by  its  adherence  to  the  Syrian  liturgy. 

In  the  first  place  the  type  appears  on  three  of  the  metal  phials  of  Monza 
which,  as  their  inscriptions  show,  were  executed  in  Palestine  toward  the 
end  of  the  sixth  century  and  were  brought  back  to  the  West  by  devout 
pilgrims  who  had  visited  the  Holy  Land.  The  scene  on  two68  of  the  phials 
shows  the  strictly  frontal  Virgin  nimbed  and  seated  on  a bolster  while 
she  holds  the  two  year  old  Jesus,  who  has  a cruciform  nimbus,  directly 


tiox  of  the  Magi  axd  Shepherds. 

in  front  of  her;  over  her  head  is  figured  a large  star  at  which  two  winged 
and  nimbed  angels  point,  the  angel  at  the  left  summoning  the  Magi  and 
the  one  at  the  right  calling  the  shepherds  from  their  flocks;  the  three 
Magi  at  the  left  of  the  throne  are  dressed  in  the  traditional  Oriental 
costume,  carry  their  gifts  on  dishes,  and  are  differentiated  one  from  the 
other  by  their  beards;  at  the  right  of  the  throne  the  three  shepherds  give 
the  balance  to  the  composition.  On  the  third09  phial,  while  the  scene 
preserves  the  same  details  and  general  arrangement,  there  is  a more 

09  Table  II,  no.  85. 


68  Table  II,  nos.  83,  84. 


54 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


stylized  composition;  the  shepherds  instead  of  being  freely  grouped  at 
the  right  of  the  throne  are  depicted  standing  in  a row  which  rigidly  bal- 
ances the  row  of  three  Magi  on  the  opposite  side  (Fig.  43). 

Another  example  of  the  symmetrical  composition  with  the  frontal 
Madonna  occurs  on  a full  page  miniature  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels70 
(Fig.  44)  which  Strzygowski71  dates  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixth  century 
and  attributes  to  Syria. 

A further  connection  of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  with  Palestine 


Fig.  44.  Etschmiadzin  : Gospels.  Adora- 
tion of  the  Magi. 


is  to  be  found  in  the  hieratic  and  monumental  character  of  the  composition 
which  appears  to  reflect  the  larger  design  of  a mosaic.  In  a polemic  against 
the  Iconoclasts  issuing  from  the  Synod  of  836  at  Jerusalem72  it  is  stated 
that  the  Nativity  church  at  Bethlehem  was  decorated  by  mosaics  represent- 
ing the  Birth  of  Christ,  a Panagia  with  the  Christ  Child  in  her  bosom,  and 
the  Adoration  of  the  Magi.  This  Adoration  on  the  western  facade  is  said 
to  have  been  spared  in  the  sixth  century  by  the  soldiers  of  Chosroes  because 
the  Magi  wore  Persian  caps.73  It  is  then  possible,  as  Dalton  says,74  that 
this  type  as  it  appears  on  certain  of  the  smaller  objects  of  Christian  art  of 

70  Table  II,  no.  86.  71  Strzygowski,  Bys.  Dcnk.,  I,  p.  74. 

72  Strzygowski,  Hell,  und  Kopt.  Kunst,  p.  92;  Oriens  Christ.,  V,  1915,  p.  102. 

73  Dalton,  Bys.  Art  and  Arch.,  p.  384.  74  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  182. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


55 


the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  was  copied  from  the  mosaics  of  the  Church  of 
the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem,  an  assumption  borne  out  by  the  monumental 
aspect  of  the  composition  pointed  out  above. 

Furthermore,  the  adherence  of  this  type  to  the  Syrian  liturgy  confirms 


its  Palestinian  origin.  The  evident  importance  of  the  star  and  the  sum- 
moning of  the  shepherds  on  these  Palestinian  monuments  is  paralleled 
by  the  importance  given  to  the  appearance  of  the  star  by  the  Syrian  writers 
and  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Syrian  liturgy75  the  feast  of  the  Adoration  of 

the  Shepherds  was  celebrated  at  the  same  time  as  Epiphany,  on  Jan- 

uary 6.  In  the  fourth  century  both  Ephraem  Syrus76  and  Balaeus77  (373- 
431)  write  of  the  appearance  of  a new  star  in  the  heavens  at  the  time 

of  the  Nativity  and  associate  with  it  an  angel.  By  the  end  of  the  fifth 

century  the  Syrian  legend  in  the  “Spelunca  Thesaurorum”78  develops  even 
more  fully  the  appearance  of  the  new  star  and  the  summoning  of  the  Magi 
by  an  angel.  Passing  directly  from  Palestine  to  other  Mediterranean 
lands  where  the  Syrian  influence  was  very  strong,  the  type  occurs  in  the 
sixth  century  on  the  ambo  of  Salonica79  and  in  the  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apol- 

75  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  24.  7fi  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  pp.  14,  15,  21. 

77  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  p.  21.  78  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  p.  18. 

79  Table  II,  no.  87. 


F:g.  45.  Manchester:  John  Rylands  Li- 
brary, PANEL  FROM  IVORY  BOOK  COVERS  OF 

Muraxo.  Epiphany  and  Nativity. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


56 

linare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna80  and  later  in  the  tenth  century  in  the  Armenian 
miniatures  which  were  inserted  into  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels.81 

Group  VIII-B.  The  Egyptian  Examples  of  the  Palestinian-C optic  Type. 

The  Palestinian  type  of  the  Adoration  is  exactly  duplicated  on  two 
ivory  diptychs  of  the  sixth  century  which  are  of  Coptic  workmanship  and 
were  probably  executed  in  the  Thebaic!.  In  the  central  panel  of  the 
Murano  book  covers  in  Manchester82  (Fig.  45)  and  of  a five  part  diptych 
in  the  British  Museum83  (Fig.  46),  which  have  every  mark  of  Coptic 


Fig.  46.  British  Museum:  ivory  diptych. 
Adoration  of  the  Mag  . 


art,84  even  to  the  Coptic  Nativity  with  the  Doubting  Salome,  is  the 
same  composition  which  appears  in  the  Etschmiadzin  miniature.  On  a 
Coptic  pyxis83  in  the  Vienna  Museum  is  depicted  an  Adoration  in  which 
the  Virgin  sits  in  a frontal  position,  but  the  composition  differs  from 
that  on  the  other  Coptic  ivories  mentioned  in  that  the  Magi  advance  in 
a line  with  their  gifts  and  no  angel  is  represented.  The  similarity  in 
type  between  the  Coptic  and  the  Palestinian  examples,  as  Strzygowski 
says,86  does  not  mean  that  the  ivories  were  not  done  in  Egypt,  but  only 
goes  to  show,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  of  the  Nativity, 

80  Table  II,  no.  88.  81  Table  II,  no.  89.  82  Table  II,  no.  91. 

83  Table  II,  no.  go.  84  Strzygowski,  Hell,  und  Ko[>t . Kunst,  p.  85. 

8r'  Table  II,  no.  9 2.  86  Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  p.  92. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


57 

that  Syria  and  Egypt  were  going  along  hand  in  hand  in  the  matter  of 
iconography. 

There  are  two  other  unique  and  baffling  examples  of  the  Adoration 
which  do  not  really  classify  under  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  but  inas- 
much as  they  show  the  frontal  Madonna  and  were  perhaps  executed  in 
Alexandria,  I have  included  them  in  the  Coptic  group  of  this  Palestinian 
type.  The  silver  casket87  in  the  church  of  San  Nazzaro  at  Milan,  which 
is  dated  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  and  is  supposed  to  have  been  executed 
in  Alexandria,  shows  a composition  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  too 
individual  and  unique  to  be  considered  as  representative  of  any  type.  The 
Virgin  and  Child  are  frontal  and  the  worshippers  are  arranged  on  either 
side  of  the  Madonna.  Still  the  costume  and  the  number  of  the  figures 
adoring  the  Christ  Child  fail  to  give  any  idea  of  their  character  as  Magi, 
if  such  they  were  really  meant  to  represent,  for  there  are  eight  of  them 
and  they  are  not  dressed  in  the  traditional  Phrygian  garb.  The  scene  on 
the  sixth  century  (?)  column  of  the  ciborium  of  San  Marco88  defies  classi- 
fication because  its  restricted  and  crowded  niche  composition  made  it  im- 
possible to  represent  adequately  any  actual  type  of  the  Adoration.  The 
Madonna  and  Child  are  still  represented  in  strict  frontality;  the  Magi, 
who  are  differentiated  in  the  usual  manner  by  their  beards,  advance  in  a 
line,  but  no  angel  appears  in  the  scene. 

Group  IX.  An  Ottoman  Manuscript  Type. 

While  the  scene  of  the  Adoration  as  it  is  represented  in  several  Ot- 
toman manuscripts89  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  is  in  no  wise 
a continuation  of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type,  it  shows,  as  is  to  be  ex- 
pected from  the  fact  that  these  manuscripts  drew  much  of  their  iconography 
from  Byzantine  art,  many  Eastern  features.  The  nimbed  Madonna  is 
represented  in  more  or  less  frontality,  the  Magi  who  advance  in  a line  are 
differentiated  by  their  beards,  and  in  the  Codex  Egberti  (Fig.  47)  and 
the  Gospels  of  Henry  the  Second  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  three 
Magi  occurs  along  with  the  Adoration. 

The  most  interesting  feature  of  this  group  is  the  appearance  of  crowns 
instead  of  Phrygian  caps  on  the  Magi  in  these  two  last  mentioned  manu- 
scripts of  the  tenth  century,  marking  the  earliest  occurrence  in  the  West 

17  Table  II,  no.  93.  See  p.  87,  note  7.  88  Table  II,  no.  94. 

“ Table  II,  nos.  93-99. 


58 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


of  the  change90  from  the  traditional  caps.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
new  feature  was  introduced  into  the  West  from  the  Orient,  for  in  the 
Menologium  of  Basil  II  in  the  Vatican,91  which  dates  about  976,  the 


crowns  are  given  to  the  Magi  (Fig.  48).  Furthermore,  the  earliest  refer- 
ence to  the  crowns  appears  to  be  in  the  Nestorian  Liturgy92  which  is  at 
least  older  than  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century.  In  this  account  the 
three  kings,  the  King  of  Persia,  the  King  of  India,  and  the  King  of  China, 
are  described  as  having  come  to  worship  bearing  crowns. 

Group  X.  The  Liturgical  Byzantine  Type. 

This  Byzantine  type  is  a combination  of  the  Adoration  with  the  Nativ- 
ity and  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds.  As  early  as  the  year  30093  the 
East  celebrated  the  triple  feast  of  the  Birth,  the  Adoration,  and  the  Bap- 
tism on  January  6.  Moreover  the  Eastern  theologians,  as  Justin  Martyr, 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  John  Chrysostom,  and  Balaeus  Syrus,94  all  con- 
sidered the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  as  synchronous  with  the  Birth  of 
the  Saviour  in  the  cave.  When  the  Western  Christmas  feast  on  Decem- 
ber 25  was  adopted  in  the  East95  it  was  influenced  by  older  traditions; 

90  Dalton  in  his  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  654,  says  that  “crowns  first  appear 
in  the  West  in  the  twelfth  century”  and  that  they  appear  earlier  in  the  East  in  the 
Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  (Paris,  Bibl.  Nat.,  gr.  510),  and  the  Vatican  Meno- 
logium. Both  statements  may  be  questioned : the  crowns  certainly  appear  in  the  West 
as  early  as  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  and  the  curious  round  caps  on  the  Magi  in  the 
Gregory  Codex  can  not  be  taken  for  crowns. 

01  Table  II,  no.  79.  92  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  30. 

93  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  23.  94  See  page  46,  note  41. 

95  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  26. 


Fig.  47.  Trier:  Stadtbibliothek.  Codex 

Egberti.  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


59 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

at  Constantinople  the  Adoration,  according  to  the  Byzantine  Liturgy,96 
was  celebrated  on  December  25,  not  only  with  the  Nativity  but  also 
with  the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  the  Conception,  the  Presenta- 
tion in  the  Temple,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  and  the  blight  into 
Egypt.  By  the  eleventh  century,  when  Byzantine  iconography  was  fully 


Fig.  48.  Rome:  Vatican,  menologium  of 
Basil  II.  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


developed  and  in  the  process  of  final  stylization  under  liturgical  influence, 
the  Byzantine  scene  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  had  been  permanently 
modified  by  this  combination  feast  and  had  commenced  to  unite  others 
of  the  events  celebrated  at  that  feast  with  the  composition  of  the  Epiphany 
(see  Fig.  25).  Hence  these  examples97  of  the  Byzantine  type  represent 
not  only  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  but  also  the  Birth  of  the  Saviour, 
the  Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  the  washing  of  the  Child  by  the  midwives, 
which  symbolizes  the  Baptism,  and  the  Adoration  of  the  Angels.  Thus 
the  young  Jesus  in  these  scenes  instead  of  being  seated  in  His  mother’s 
lap,  lies  in  a crib  with  the  ox  and  the  ass  adoring  Him  while  the  Virgin 
reclines  on  a mattress.  From  the  eleventh  century  on,  Byzantine  art  quite 
faithfully  adheres  to  this  type  and  the  same  method  of  representation  is 
followed  in  Italo-Byzantine  monuments  of  the  same  period. 

VII 

THE  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS 

The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  the  earliest  event  in  the  long  history 
of  martyrdom  which  marked  the  struggle  of  Christianity  against  the  forces 


9?  Kehrer,  op.  cit.,  1,  p.  27. 


97  Table  II,  nos.  106-110. 


6o 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


of  paganism,  though  frequently  referred  to  in  the  literature1  of  both  the 
East  and  the  West,  was  seldom  represented  on  the  monuments  of  the  early 
Christian  period.  The  scene  never  occurs  in  the  catacombs  or  on  the  sarco- 
phagi of  Rome.  It  was  in  the  East  that  such  tragedies  of  the  Gospel  his- 
tory were  first  felt  and  depicted  in  a realistic  way. 

While  there  is  no  Western  type  of  the  Massacre,  there  is  a single 
example  among  the  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore  which,  as  a purely 
symbolic  rendering  of  the  scene,  may  be  treated  under  the  head  of  a 
Hellenistic  type.  In  the  East  there  is  the  Syro-Egyptian  type  which 
may  be  designated  as  the  sword  type  in  which  the  soldiers  of  Herod 
slay  the  children  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  Finally,  there  is  the  Provenqal 
type  which  may  be  characterized  in  contrast  with  the  Syrian  form  as 
the  smashing  type  where  the  soldiers,  instead  of  using  swords,  smash 
the  children  to  the  ground.  Outside  of  these  three  types  there  are  no 
others,  for  it  was  the  sword  type  which  became  the  traditional  method 
of  representing  the  scene  throughout  the  whole  history  of  Christian  art. 

Group  I.  The  Hellenistic  or  Symbolic  Type  (Fig.  49). 

The  scene  in  the  fourth  century  arch  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Mag- 
giore,2 from  its  unemotional  character,  falls  in  that  class  which  in  other 


Fig.  49  Rome:  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  mosaic. 

The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 

scenes  we  have  called  Hellenistic.  In  the  left  spandril  of  the  arch  Herod, 
enthroned  upon  a solium,  is  represented  as  a Roman  general  and  his  sol- 
diers as  Roman  legionaries.  The  mothers,  their  hair  unbound  and  hanging 

1 The  Protevangelium  of  James,  (Michel,  Huang  He  s apocryphcs,  p.  45),  Pseudo- 
Matthew  {op.  cit.,  p.  hi),  History  of  Joseph  the  Carpenter  {op.  cit.,  p.  202),  Gospel  of 
Nicodemus  {The  Apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Revelations,  Edinburgh,  1890,  p.  1 35 ) » 
and  Matt,  ii,  16. 

2 Table  III,  no.  1.  Richter  and  Taylor,  The  Golden  Age  of  Classic  Christian  Art, 
p.  354:  Ainaloff,  see  abstract  in  Richter  and  Taylor,  pp.  415-419. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


61 


dishevelled  down  upon  their  shoulders  in  token  of  grief,  clasp  their  doomed 
infants  in  their  arms  and  stretch  out  their  hands  to  Herod  in  dignified 
and  restrained  gestures  of  supplication.  Dignity  is  the  key  note  of  the 
composition.  It  is  in  striking  contrast  with  the  barbaric  cruelty  of  the 
Eastern  representations.  The  whole  conception  is  softened  by  the  spiritual 
significance  presented  in  the  restrained  grief  of  the  mothers  and  in  the 
apparent  desire  of  the  infants  to  be  the  first  Christian  martyrs.  The 
composition  of  this  scene,  in  its  spiritual  serenity  and  theological  signifi- 
cance, was  the  product,  as  Richter  says,  of  that  current  conception  of 
Christian  heroism  and  faith  which,  sustained  by  the  hope  of  rewards  in 
the  life  hereafter,  calmly  and  gladly  faced  all  earthly  trials.  In  other 
words,  it  is  the  reflection  of  the  classical  restraint  of  the  Hellenistic  period 
of  Christian  art  when  symbolism,  rather  than  realism,  governed  the  ren- 
dering of  a scene. 

Group  II.  The  Syro-Egypticin  or  the  Sword  Type. 

As  the  previous  scene  was  the  product  of  the  heroic  period  of  Christian- 
ity, this  Syrian  type,  where  the  children  are  killed  at  the  point  of  the 
sword,  is  in  its  unqualified  realism  the  product  of  the  coarser  cult 
of  a declining  Empire.  The  realistic  type  is  seen  in  the  Rabula  Gospels3 
written  in  586  A.  D.  at  Zagba  (Fig.  50).  The  tribune,  clothed  in  a mili- 


Fig.  50.  Florence:  Laurextiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 


tary  costume  consisting  of  a short  chiton  and  a pallium  caught  over  his 
left  arm,  leans  forward  on  the  solium  in  the  same  attitude4  as  in  the  mosaic 
of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore.  The  soldier  executing  his  order  holds  in  his 
hand  a child  whom  he  is  about  to  pierce  with  his  sword.  In  frantic  and 
unrestrained  grief  the  mother,  seeking  to  ward  off  the  blow  with  her  right 
arm,  rushes  forward  and  grasps  the  soldier  with  her  left  hand. 

3 Table  III,  no.  2. 

4 For  the  attitude  of  the  tribune  in  art  see  Griineisen,  Sainte-Marie-Antique,  p.  319. 


62 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


This  form  became  also  the  type  used  in  Coptic  art.  In  a fresco  of 
the  subterranean  church  of  Dei'r  Abou  Hennys  at  Antinoe5  (Fig.  51), 
dating  from  the  end  of  the  sixth  or  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century, 
is  a representation  of  the  Massacre  which  appears  to  have  been  derived 
quite  directly  from  the  scene  in  the  Rabula  Gospels.  Herod,  seated  on 


Fig.  51.  Antinoe:  fresco.  The  Massacre 
of  the  Innocents. 


a raised  dais,  is  flanked  at  either  side,  as  in  the  Gospels,  by  two  soldiers 
who  support  a large  shield  behind  the  tribunal  seat.  One  of  the  soldiers 
has  the  head  of  an  ass.  The  actual  execution  of  the  children  is  the  same 
as  in  the  Rabula  example.  The  scene  of  the  Antinoe  fresco  appears  in  es- 
sentially the  same  form  in  a fresco  at  Bawit,6  and  the  sword  type  is  also 
used  on  a Coptic  bronze  censer,7  on  a Coptic  pyxis  in  the  Louvre8  and  on 
a lost  panel  of  the  Maximianus  chair  which  is  known  to  us  from  Trom- 
belli’s  description.9  These  six  examples,  the  miniature,  the  two  frescoes, 
the  two  ivories,  and  the  censer,  include  all  the  representations  that  I know 
of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  occurring  in  the  East  prior  to  the  ninth 
century.  The  Byzantine  examples10  from  the  ninth  century  on  do  not 
differ  essentially  from  this  Syro-Egyptian  sword  type. 

Group  III.  The  Provengal  or  Smashing  Type. 

The  scene  on  the  Berlin  fragment11  (Fig.  52),  which  is  the  earliest 
example  of  the  group  of  ivories  which  we  ascribe  to  Provence,  depicts  a 
soldier,  at  the  command  of  Herod,  about  to  smash  to  the  ground  a child 
whom  he  swings  above  his  head  by  the  leg;  another  child  already  smashed 

5 Table  III,  no.  3. 

0 Cledat,  Comptes  Rendus,  1904,  p.  22;  Table  III,  no.  4. 

7 Table  III,  no.  7.  8 Table  III,  no.  5. 

9 Garr.,  VI,  p.  21;  Trombelli,  De  cultu  SS.  diss.,  IX,  p.  247.  This  panel  was  in  the 

Baruffaldi  Collection. 

10  Ms.  gr.  510  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris  (Fleury,  L’Hvangile,  I,  pi. 
XXIX/2. 

11  Table  III,  no.  9. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  63 

to  death  lies  before  the  suppedaneum,  on  which  Herod  rests  his  feet,  and 
behind  the  soldier  stands  a grief  stricken  mother  with  her  hair  hanging 
loose  about  her  shoulders  and  with  her  arms  raised  above  her  head.  Herod 
here  is  bearded,  and  seated  in  a chair  with  a back,  in  contrast  to  the  Ori- 


Fig.  52.  Berlin:  Museum,  ivory.  The 
Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 


ental  bench ; no  soldiers  flank  the  tribunal  seat.  It  is  in  the  actual  exe- 
cution, however,  that  the  scene  differs  so  radically  from  previous  repre- 
sentations ; not  satisfied  with  the  massacre  by  the  sword,  the  soldier  is 
about  to  hurl  the  child  against  the  ground.  Cruel  and  unrestrained  as  are 
the  Syrian  and  Coptic  examples  when  compared  to  the  scene  on  the  arch 


Fig.  53.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 

of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  these  Eastern  representations  become  mild 
when  contrasted  with  the  barbarism  of  the  smashing  type  of  the  Massacre. 

A somewhat  later  rendering  of  the  same  type  occurs  on  the  Milan 
book  covers12  (Fig.  53)  where  the  tribune,  as  in  the  Eastern  examples, 


12  Table  III,  no.  10. 


64 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


is  flanked  on  either  side  by  soldiers  bearing  circular  shields,  and  his  short 
tunic  and  chlamys  caught  over  the  right  shoulder  resemble  the  costume 
of  the  official  in  the  Rabula  Gospels.  Like  the  rendering  on  the  Berlin 
fragment,  the  tribune  sits  in  a chair  and  the  soldier  swinging  a child  in 
the  air  is  nearly  identical  on  the  two  ivories.  On  the  Milan  covers,  how- 
ever, the  scene  is  made  more  pretentious  by  increasing  the  number  of 
the  soldiers  to  five. 

Far  from  being  peculiar  to  these  two  early  Christian  ivories,  the 
smashing  type  may  be  traced  by  successive  steps  in  Gaul  into  Carolingian 
art.  It  appears13  in  a sixth  century  miniature  of  the  Codex  Purpureus 


(Cim.  2)  at  Munich14  (Fig.  54).  About  800  we  find  a rather  crude  copy  of 
the  scene  of  the  Berlin  ivory  on  the  Carolingian  cover  (see  Fig.  169)  in 
the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford,15  the  iconography  of  which  was  largely 
based  on  the  diptych  of  which  the  Berlin  fragment  was  a part.  Finally, 

13  Table  III,  no.  11. 

14  Griineisen,  Saint  e-Marie- Antique,  p.  350;  Beissel,  Gcsch.  der  Evangelienbiicher,  p.  84. 

15  Table  III,  no.  12.  Goldschmidt’s  recent  monograph  on  Early  Mediaeval  ivories 
( Elfenbeinskulpturen  aus  der  Zeit  dcr  karol.  und  sticks.  Kaiser,  Berlin,  1916,  PI.  XXVII, 
67b)  records  another  plaque  (fragment)  in  the  Staatsbibliothek  in  Munich  which  is,  like 


Fig.  54.  Munich:  Cod.  Purp.  (Cim.  2). 

Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


65 

toward  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  or  in  the  tenth  century,  the  same 
type  of  the  Massacre  is  figured  on  two  Carolingian  ivories,  one  in  the 
Yictoria  and  Albert  Museum16  and  the  other  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale 
(Suppl.  Latin,  no.  642,  9393)  at  Paris17  (Pig.  55). 

As  a rule  the  grounds  for  connecting  certain  iconographical  types  with 
definite  geographical  centres  are  slight  and  unsatisfactory.  In  regard 
to  the  smashing  type  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  however,  we  have 


Fig.  55.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  ivory  book 
cover.  Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 

not  only  a long  line  of  examples  ranging  in  certain  sequence  from  the  early 
Christian  period  to  the  Carolingian  but  we  also  have  a still  earlier  example, 
or  a prototype,  indigenous  to  Provence. 

When  the  ancient  crypt  of  St.  Maximin  near  Marseilles  was  unearthed 
there  were  discovered  four  sarcophagi  of  the  first  part  of  the  fifth  century18 
and  the  fragments  of  a much  earlier  one.  These  sarcophagi  were  held 
by  Abbe  Laillon10  and  Le  Blant  to  be  those  to  which  were  transferred  the 
remains  of  the  Magdalene,  Sidion,  Marcella,  and  St.  Maximin,  who,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,20  came  to  Provence  after  the  Saviour’s  death  to  preach 


the  Bodleian  cover,  an  adaptation  of  the  early  Christian  five-part  diptych  of  which  the 
Berlin  fragment  was  a portion.  It  repeats  the  scenes  and  iconography  of  the  Berlin 
fragment;  reading  from  top  to  bottom  the  scenes  are  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  the 
Baptism,  and  the  Miracle  of  Cana. 

16  Table  III,  no.  13.  17  Table  III,  no.  14. 

18  Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophagcs  chrctiens  de  la  Gaule,  p.  147. 

If*Faillon,  Monuments  inedits  de  I’apostolat  de  Saint e Marie-Madeleine  en  Provence,  I, 
PP-  339-341- 

20  An  ancient  legend,  going  back  to  uncertain  sources  and  frequently  repeated  in  verse 
and  prose,  recounts  that  the  Jews,  after  the  Passion  of  the  Saviour,  abandoned  on  a 
rudderless  ship  Mary  Magdalene,  Martha  her  sister,  Lazarus  their  brother,  Sidion  the 
man  born  blind,  Marcella  the  handmaid,  and  Maximin  one  of  the  seventy-two  disciples. 
The  ship,  taking  its  course  without  human  guidance,  grounded  on  the  shores  of  Provence, 


66 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  Gospel  throughout  this  region.  On  the  cover  of  one21  (Fig.  56), 
the  sarcophagus  which  Faillon22  calls  the  “Sarcophagus  of  the  Holy  Inno- 
cents,’’ occurs  the  smashing  type  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  The 
scene  on  this  sarcophagus,  as  is  to  be  expected  at  so  early  a date,  is  much 
simpler  than  any  of  the  examples  I have  described.  The  tribune,  beardless 


Fig.  56.  St.  Maximin:  sarcophagus.  The 
Massacre  of  the  Innocents. 

and  clothed  in  tunic  and  chlamys,  is  seated  upon  a sella  curulis  instead  of  a 
chair;  no  soldiers  flank  the  tribunal  seat;  and  at  his  command  one  soldier 
swings  a child  by  the  leg  while  another  holds  in  his  arms  a child  that  he  has 
just  snatched  from  the  mother  who  stands  with  hands  clasped  and  her  hair 
hanging  loose  about  her  shoulders. 

The  sarcophagus  of  the  crypt  of  St.  Maximin  may  be  dated  in  the 
early  part  of  the  fifth  century,  and  is  a local  product,  as  is  shown  by  the 
heads  on  the  corners  of  the  cover,  which  are  identical  with  the  heads 
on  the  sarcophagi  of  Arles23  where  during  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth 
centuries  there  was  an  active  school  of  sarcophagi  carvers  who  spread  their 
works  through  the  whole  region.24  We  find,  then,  that  the  earliest  example 
of  the  peculiar  scene  which  connects  into  a group  the  early  Christian 
and  Carolingian  monuments  cited  above,  occurs  on  a sarcophagus  made 
in  Provence. 

The  provenience  of  the  smashing  type  of  the  Massacre  may  be 
further  defined  by  the  close  connection  of  the  church  of  St.  Maximin,  where 
our  sarcophagus  was  found,  with  the  Abbey  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles, 

where  the  little  band  landed,  and  began  to  preach  the  Gospel  and  to  found  churches 
throughout  the  region.  Finally,  four  of  their  number,  the  Magdalene,  Marcella,  Sidion, 
and  St.  Maximin,  were  buried  in  the  little  church  of  St.  Maximin  which  is  situated 
about  thirty  miles  from  Marseilles. 

21  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  LVI/i. 

22  Faillon,  op.  cit.,  p.  734. 

23  Le  Blant,  Lcs  sarcophagcs  chretiens  do  la  ville  d’ Arles,  pis.  XIX,  XX. 

24  Le  Blant,  Sarcophagcs  chretiens  dc  la  Gaulc,  p.  v. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


6 7 


of  which  it  was  a dependency.  The  Holy  Innocents  were  worshipped  at 
Marseilles  long  before  a feast  day  for  them  was  set  aside  by  the  Gallican 
church.  Although  the  feast  must  have  been  instituted  during  the  fifth 
century,  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Latin  calendars  and  liturgical  books 
before  the  sixth  century.25  Nevertheless,  from  the  early  part  of  the  fifth 
century  their  worship  existed  at  Marseilles,  where  their  relics,  brought 
from  the  Orient  by  St.  Cassianus,  had  been  placed  by  the  monks  of  St. 
Yictor  in  the  celebrated  crypt  of  their  abbey.26  Although  Cassianus  re- 
tained in  his  church  at  Marseilles  the  greater  part  of  the  relics  which  he 
had  brought  with  him  from  Syria,  he  distributed  portions  of  them  through- 
out Provence27  and  there  thus  grew  up  among  the  ancient  churches  of 
the  region  the  custom  of  burying  along  with  the  remains  of  their  Saints 
some  relic  of  the  Holy  Innocents.28  St.  Cassianus,  returning  from  the 
Orient,  founded  the  church  of  Saint  Victor  shortly  after  the  year  414, 
a date  to  which  our  sarcophagus,  from  its  style,  might  easily  be  ascribed. 
Furthermore,  the  little  church  at  St.  Maximin  was  a dependency  of  the 
famous  church  at  Marseilles.  All  this  suggests  that  the  sarcophagus  owes 
the  peculiar  scene  of  the  Massacre  to  the  fact  that  it  was  to  be  used  to 
contain  a portion  of  the  relics  of  the  first  martyrs,  presented  to  the 
church  of  St.  Maximin  by  Cassianus,  which  were  buried  along  with  the 
traditional  remains  of  the  first  apostles  of  Provence  when  their  bodies 
were  transferred  to  the  new  sarcophagi  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth 
century. 

The  influence  of  the  scene  of  the  Massacre  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Maximin 
upon  the  subsequent  art  of  Provence  and  later  on  Carolingian  art  is  ex- 
plained by  the  renown  which  this  crypt,  where  the  bones  of  the  Blessed 
Magdalene  were  supposed  to  rest,  enjoyed  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
discussion  of  the  preceding  scenes  has  already  indicated  that  the  Berlin  frag- 
ment and  the  Milan  book  covers  were  themselves  executed  in  Provence. 
In  the  case  of  the  Bodleian  took  cover,  the  Munich  miniature  and  the 
two  ninth  or  tenth  century  ivories,  which  as  Carolingian  work  are  to  be 
assigned  to  northern  rather  than  to  southern  France,  all  apparently  derive 
their  rendering  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  from  the  “Sarcophagus 
of  the  Holy  Innocents”  at  St.  Maximin. 

2"  Duchesne,  Origines  du  culte  chretien,  p.  257. 

• Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  p.  156.  27  Faillon,  op.  cit.,  p.  741. 

28  Faillon.  op.  cit..  p.  738. 


68 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Several  mediaeval  manuscripts29  of  the  tenth  to  the  fifteenth  century 
which  are  copies  of  an  earlier  Life  of  Mary  Magdalene  give  evidence 
of  traditional  reverence  for  the  crypt.  In  a Life  of  Mary  Magdalene  in 
Magdalen  College  at  Oxford,  purporting  to  be  a copy  of  her  life  written 
in  the  ninth  century  by  Rabanus  Maurus,  is  a passage  which  reads:30  “This 
place  has  since  [that  is,  since  the  deposition  there  of  the  remains  of  Maxi- 
min  and  St.  Mary  Magdalene]  become  so  sacred  that  no  king  or  prince,  or 
any  one  else,  however  endowed  with  power  or  wealth,  can  enter  into  the 
church  here  in  order  to  ask  for  a blessing,  except  he  shall  have  first 
put  down  his  arms  and  set  aside  all  angry  passions,  so  that,  at  length,  he 
may  enter  with  all  humility  and  devotion.’’  It  is  related  that  in  935  Count 
William  and  his  son  Odo  made  a pilgrimage  there31  and  that  in  1254 
St.  Louis  and  the  Sire  de  Joinville  visited  the  famous  crypt.32 

It  was  in  Provence,  then,  where  the  relics  of  the  Holy  Innocents  were 
first  worshipped  and  where  their  remains,  jealously  guarded  in  the  various 
churches,  were  reverenced  through  the  whole  region,  that  this  striking 
manner  of  representing  the  Massacre  was  created.  It  was  probably  in 
the  church  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles,  to  which  the  relics  of  the  Innocents 
were  brought  by  Cassianus  in  414  and  whence  the  cult  in  Provence 
emanated,  that  the  type  originated.  Linally,  it  is  in  the  famous  crypt  of 
St.  Maximin,  a dependency  of  St.  Victor,  that  we  find  the  earliest  example 
of  the  smashing  type  of  the  scene,  and  so  far  as  the  evidence  shows,  it 
was  from  this  centre  that  the  curious  bit  of  iconography  spread,  at  the 
hands  of  devout  pilgrims,  through  Gaul,  and  thus  found  its  way  into  the 
Munich  manuscript  and  the  Carolingian  ivories. 

VIII 

CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS 

The  first  appearance  of  Christ  in  public,  when  He  confounded  the 
doctors  in  the  temple,  was  not  a popular  scene  during  the  early  Christian 
period  and  until  Byzantine  times  no  type,  in  airy  appreciable  sense,  ap- 
peared. The  Byzantine  type,  when  developed,  followed  the  canonical 
account  in  Luke  which  relates  that  Christ  as  a child  of  twelve  years,  having 

29  These  manuscripts  are  discussed  by  Taylor,  The  Coming  of  the  Saints,  pp.  93,  123. 

30  Taylor,  op.  cit.,  p.  121.  31  Faillon,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  805. 

32  The  Memories  of  the  Lord  of  Joinville,  trans.  by  Ethel  Wedgwood,  1906,  p.  341. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  69 

lost  His  way,  was  found  by  His  parents  disputing  with  the  doctors  in  the 
temple.  As  a type  it  always  represents  the  Christ  Child  seated  upon  a 
throne  in  the  temple  where  the  Virgin,  usually  followed  by  Joseph,  finds 
Him  among  the  doctors.  Besides  this  formal  and  developed  Byzantine 
type  there  also  exists  a unique  apocryphal  rendering  of  the  scene.  On 
the  ivory  book  covers  of  Milan1  the  type  is  derived  from  the  Gospel  of 
Pseudo-Matthew  and  depicts  an  earlier  episode  when  Christ,  as  a very 
young  child,  having  been  sent  to  learn  His  letters  of  a certain  master  Levi, 
confounded  the  master  by  His  learning. 


The  Byzantine  Type. 

While  the  scene  of  Christ  among  the  Doctors  is  absent  from  monu- 
ments of  assured  Eastern  origin  during  the  first  eight  centuries,  its  pres- 
ence in  the  ninth  century  on  purely  Byzantine  works  leads  one  to  suppose 
that  it  was  constituted,  like  other  Byzantine  types,  about  the  sixth 
century  in  the  East.  Sporadic  earlier  examples  of  the  scene  occur  in  the 
West,  as  on  a sarcophagus  of  Perugia,2  ascribed  by  De  Rossi  to  the  fourth 
century,  and  another  in  Sant'  Ambrogio  at  Milan.3  On  the  Perugian  sar- 
cophagus Christ  is  seated  on  a raised  throne  and  holds  in  His  left  hand 
a volume,  while  He  extends  His  right  hand  in  a gesture  of  speech;  between 
the  columns  to  the  right  of  Jesus  is  the  Virgin,  followed  by  Joseph,  and 
in  the  seven  other  niches  are  eight  doctors. 

The  regular  Byzantine  form  with  Christ  seated  on  a raised  throne  with 
three  doctors  on  either  side,  and  with  the  Virgin  and  Joseph  entering  the 
temple  from  left  or  right,  occurs  in  the  ninth  century  in  the  Homilies  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus4  and  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the  Greek  manu- 
script 74  of  the  Bibliotheque  Rationale  at  Paris5  (Fig.  57).  After  the 
ninth  century  when  this  rendering  entered  the  Ottoman  and  Italo-Byzantine 
art  of  the  West,  certain  minor  changes  took  place  in  the  composition.  In 
the  tenth  century  in  the  Codex  Egberti6  there  are  only  four  doctors  de- 
picted: in  the  eleventh  century  the  frescoes  of  S.  Angelo  in  Formis7 

1 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  454. 

2 Fleurj-,  La  Sainte  Viergc,  I.  p.  183:  De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  arch,  crist.,  1871,  p.  127,  pi.  VIII. 

3 Fleur}-,  L’Evangile,  I,  p.  86:  Allegranza,  Sacri  monument i di  Milano,  t.  X. 

4 Fleury,  L’ Evan  g He,  pi.  XXXI/i.  ’ Fleury,  op.  cit..  pi.  XXXI/2. 

'’•Kraus.  Die  Miniaturen  des  Codex  Egberti,  pi.  XVII. 

7 Kraus.  Jh.  Prcuss.  Kunsts.,  XIV,  p.  1,  pi.  TII. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


70 

reduced  the  doctors  to  two,  and  the  Virgin  and  Joseph,  instead  of  entering 
from  the  side,  look  down  on  opposite  sides  from  behind  the  throne  where 
Christ  is  seated;  in  the  twelfth  century  on  the  doors  of  Benevento8  Joseph 
is  omitted  from  the  composition. 

The  Provengal  Type. 

The  Milan  ivory  (Fig.  58)  depicts  Jesus,  small  of  stature  and  raised 
above  the  other  figures  on  a high  seat,  disputing  with  a doctor  who  stands 
before  Him;  behind  the  master  are  two  pupils  carrying  books  and  listening 
to  the  words  of  Jesus.  This  scene  represents  one  of  the  early  incidents 
related  in  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  when  Jesus  was  sent  to  learn 


Fig.  57.  Paris  : Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  74. 

Christ  among  the  Doctors. 


His  letters  from  a Jewish  doctor.  While  the  only  canonical  account  of 
Christ  among  the  doctors  is  the  story  of  the  twelve-year-old  Child  in  Luke, 
the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  gives  the  event  a different  and  more 
amplified  treatment,  telling  at  some  length  of  three  different  occa- 
sions when  Jesus,  before  He  was  twelve,  astonished  the  doctors  with 
His  learning.  First,  when  He  was  scarcely  five,  having  dumbfounded  a 
certain  Zachyas  with  His  wisdom,  He  was  confided  by  His  parents,  at  the 
advice  of  this  doctor,  to  a certain  master  Levi,  of  whom  He  might  learn 
His  letters;  Jesus,  under  Levi,  on  refusing  to  name  the  first  letter  was 
struck  by  the  master,  whereupon  He  stupefied  him  by  His  knowledge  of  the 
letters  and  speaking  with  a tone  of  command  to  the  children  of  Israel  who 
were  present,  He  silenced  them  all  by  the  wonder  of  His  words.9  “There 
came  a second  time,”  the  account  goes  on  to  relate,  that  Joseph  and  Mary 
were  sought  by  the  people  to  send  Jesus  to  learn  His  letters  at  school.10  This 
time,  when  Jesus  was  punished  by  the  master  for  His  refusal  to  answer, 
the  master  died.  Then,  for  a third  time,  the  Jews  demanded  that  He 

8 Venturi,  Storia,  III,  fig.  643.  9 Michel,  op.  cit.,  ch.  XXX,  pp.  133-139. 

10  Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  151. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


7i 

be  taken  to  another  master  and  with  fear  His  parents  complied.11  “Now 
when  Jesus  had  entered  the  school,  guided  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  He  took  the 
book  from  the  hands  of  the  master,  who  taught  the  law,  and  in  the  pres- 
ence of  all  the  people  who  saw  and  heard  Him,  He  began  to  read,  not  that 
which  was  written  in  the  book,  but  He  spoke  in  the  spirit  of  the  Living 
God.”  Thus  He  taught  them  with  so  much  force  and  grandeur  that  when 


Fig.  58.  Milan:  Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  Christ  among  the  Doctors. 


Mary  and  Joseph  came  for  Him  the  master  said  unto  them,  “You  have 
given  me  not  a disciple,  but  a master.”  It  is  obviously  one  of  these  oc- 
casions that  the  artist  of  the  Milan  ivory  has  sought  to  depict,  for  the 
small  stature  of  Jesus,  the  gestures  of  Jesus  and  the  master  which  show 
they  are  in  a discussion,  the  switches  against  the  base  of  Jesus's  seat,  and 
the  two  smaller  figures  carrying  books,  make  it  impossible  to  interpret 
the  scene  as  other  than  young  Jesus  before  the  Jewish  master.12 


IN 

THE  BAPTISM 

1 he  representations  of  the  Baptism  on  the  monuments  of  the  early 
Christian  period  do  not  group  themselves  into  obvious  local  divisions.  At 
11  Michel,  op.  cif.,  p.  153. 

- A curious  ivory  in  the  Eritish  Museum  (Dalton,  Catalogue  of  the  Early  Christian 
Antiquities  in  the  British  Museum,  no.  293,  p.  51),  whose  spurious  appearance  is  marked, 
shows  the  young  Jesus  of  small  stature  standing,  with  a book  in  His  hand,  on  the  drum 
of  a column  from  which  He  is  expounding  the  law  to  the  master  at  His  right,  who  raises 
his  hand  in  astonishment,  and  to  a pupil  at  the  left,  who  stands  with  a book  in  his  hand 
looking  at  the  preaching  child.  Besides  the  unique  composition  of  the  scenes  on  this 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  same  time  that  they  show  a marked  uniformity  of  type  on  all  monu- 
ments, they  also  present  unique  features  of  composition  in  nearly  every 
specific  example.  This  general  similarity  and  specific  individuality  of  the 
various  scenes  is  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  Baptism,  which  was  usually 
represented  in  its  symbolical  significance  bv  scenes  from  both  Testa- 
ments,1 was  uncommon  during  the  first  few  centuries  of  Christianity.  Like 
all  the  Hellenistic  scenes,  it  was  essentially  symbolic  but  unlike  some  of 
them  its  significance  was  universally  the  same.  Therefore  in  the  East, 
where  so  many  of  the  New  Testament  scenes  were  treated  more  in  the 
light  of  historical  events  than  as  symbols,  its  representation  tended  to 
preserve  the  traditional  composition.  None  the  less,  the  broad  division 
between  the  Eastern  and  W estern  scenes  is  fairly  manifest.  Such  features 
as  the  hand  of  God,  with  or  without  rays  emanating  from  it,  the  per- 
sonification of  the  Jordan,  ministering  angels,  nimbi  on  the  Saviour  and 
John  the  Baptist,  and  the  bearded  Christ  do  not  occur  in  the  Western 
representations.  In  the  Western  scenes  Christ  is  never  immersed  in  the 
Jordan  above  His  knees,  while  in  the  East  He  is  usually  represented  in  the 
waters  up  to  His  waist.  The  types,  however,  do  not  stand  out  clearly  and 
are  not  always  consistent.  This  Western,  or  Hellenistic,  type  is  charac- 
terized by  such  details  as  the  childlike  figure  of  Christ  immersed  only  to 
His  knees  and  by  the  manner  in  which  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  appear 
to  fall  like  a cataract.  The  other  features  of  the  type  are  principally 
negative  ones.  The  Provengal  group,  within  the  Hellenistic  type,  is  ex- 
ceptional, for  it  is  both  obvious  and  distinct  from  the  other  forms  of  the 
scene.  The  distinguishing  feature,  unique  to  the  group,  is  the  pedum,  or 
shepherd’s  crook,  which  John  the  Baptist  carries.  The  Alexandrian-Coptic 
type  is  characterized  by  the  personification  of  the  Jordan  and  the  minister- 
ing angels,  while  the  Palestinian-Coptic  is  essentially  the  same  save  for 
the  absence  of  the  fleeing  Jordan.  The  two  Syrian  examples  of  the  scene 
are  similar  enough  to  form  a group  but  they  can  not  be  said  to  present 
an  apparent  type. 

ivory  and  the  poor  character  of  the  work,  the  representation  of  a bearded  angel  in  the 
Baptism  convinces  me  that  at  best  the  work  could  not  have  been  done  in  the  early 
Christian  period. 

1 Fleury,  L’Evangile  I,  p.  102 : the  Baptism  was  often  symbolized  by  the  Passage  of 
the  Red  Sea,  by  Moses  Striking  Water  from  the  Rock,  by  Christ  and  the  Samaritan 
Woman  at  the  Well,  etc. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


73 


Group  I.  The  Hellenistic  Type. 

Since  the  Baptism  was  so  frequently  represented  by  Old  Testament 
scenes,  there  remain  only  a few  catacomb  examples  of  the  actual  Baptism.2 
These  in  themselves  were  not  sufficient  to  have  played  any  important  part 
in  the  subsequent  development  of  the  scene  on  Western  sarcophagi.  One 
feature  of  these  catacomb  representations  is  interesting  (Fig.  59).  The 
dove  in  the  frescoes  prior  to  the  fourth  century,  instead  of  descending 
directly  upon  the  head  of  Jesus  while  He  stands  in  the  Jordan,  appears  to 


Fig.  59.  Rome:  Cemetery  of  Lucina.  The 
Baptism. 

be  flying  toward  the  scene.3  This  manner  of  depicting  the  scene  corre- 
sponds more  faithfully  with  the  Gospel  accounts  than  do  the  examples 
after  the  third  century.  None  of  the  Evangelists  say  that  the  Holy  Spirit 
descended  upon  Christ  while  He  was  in  the  water,  and  Matthew  (iii,  16), 
Mark  (i,  10),  and  Luke  (iii.  21)  write  that  when  Jesus  had  been  baptized 
He  went  straightway  out  of  the  water  and  then  the  Spirit  of  God  descended 
upon  Him  like  a dove.  In  the  fourth  century,  however,  the  sculptors  of 
the  sarcophagi  brought  the  two  incidents,  of  the  Baptism  and  the  descent 
of  the  dove,  into  one  scene. 

On  the  sarcophagi  Christ  is  always  beardless,  small  like  a child,  and 
never  immersed  in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  more  than  to  His  knees.  John 
the  Baptist  is  dressed  in  exomis  or  perizoma  in  the  catacomb  frescoes ; in 

- Table  I\  , nos.  1-5.  The  following  are  some  of  the  best  discussions  of  the  Baptism  : 
Strzj gowski,  Iconographie  dcr  Taufe  Christi:  Heisenberg,  Grabeskirche  und  Apostcl- 
kirche,  pp.  236-239;  C.  Jacoby,  Ein  bisher  unbeachteter  apokrypher  Bericht  fiber  die 
Taufe  Jesu  C.  F.  Rogers,  Baptism  and  Christian  Iconography ; and  Leclercq  in  Cabrals 
Dictionnaire  d’archeologie  chretienne  ct  dc  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Bapteme.” 

In  the  Lucina  fresco  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Christ  is  stepping  out  of  the  water. 


74 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  sarcophagi  he  generally  wears  a pallium  instead  of  the  shepherd’s  gar- 
ment. The  method  of  representing  the  Jordan  as  an  apparent  waterfall 
descending  like  a cataract  behind  the  figure  of  Christ  is  characteristic  of 
the  Western  scenes4  (Fig.  60).  Although  this  feature  does  not  occur 
on  all  the  sarcophagus  representations  of  the  Baptism,  it  is  peculiar  to  the 
greater  part  of  them  and  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the  Eastern  manner  of 


Fig.  6o.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  The  Baptism. 

depicting  the  Jordan  as  a river  in  which  the  Saviour  stands  waist  deep. 
The  Hellenistic  scenes  are  all  very  simple  and  never  include  such  details 
as  the  assisting  angels  and  the  personification  of  the  fleeing  Jordan  seen 
on  Eastern  monuments. 

The  main  features  of  the  Hellenistic  manner  of  representing  the  Bap- 
tism are  the  childlike  Christ  and  the  frequent  piling  up  of  the  waters  of 
Jordan  like  a waterfall.  The  artistic  tradition  that  Christ  should  be  de- 
picted as  a child  in  contrast  to  the  figure  of  the  Baptist  was  universal 
inasmuch  as  even  the  Eastern  scenes  not  infrequently  show  the  Saviour  as 
very  small  of  stature.  The  dates  of  Christ’s  birth  and  crucifixion,  implied 
by  the  Gospels,  make  Him  more  than  twenty  years  at  the  time  of  the  Bap- 
tism. This  and  the  statement  of  St.  Luke  that  there  was  only  six  months 
difference  between  the  ages  of  John  and  Jesus  are  inconsistent  with  the 


4 Table  IV,  nos.  7-13. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


/o 

apparent  difference  in  their  ages  on  the  monuments.  A possible  explana- 
tion, suggested  by  Leclercq,5  is  that  the  artists  were  perhaps  following 
a more  authentic  tradition  than  had  the  Evangelists  in  the  Gospels.  A 
more  plausible  suggestion,  however,  is  Le  Blant’s  explanation  of  the  small 
stature  of  the  Saviour  by  the  Christian  concept  of  the  Baptism  as  a birth 
into  life  immaterial — whence  the  name  “infans”  given  to  the  baptized.6 

A more  distinct  and  characteristic  detail  of  this  Hellenistic  type  is  the 
representation  of  the  Jordan  as  a waterfall.  This  feature,  while  it  appears 
only  on  Western  monuments  and  principally  on  those  of  Gaul,  offers, 
perhaps,  some  evidence  of  the  general  Hellenistic  character  of  the  type 
and  even  of  its  connection  with  Alexandria.  In  the  “Chronicon  Paschale” 


Fig.  6i.  Soissoxs:  sarcophagus.  The  Baptism. 


of  Alexandria'  we  read  that  when  Jesus  was  baptized  in  the  Jordan,  “the 
Jordan  turned  back.”  “The  Lord  said  unto  John,  ‘say  to  the  Jordan,  stop, 
the  Lord  has  come  among  us,’  and  so  the  waters  stopped.”  This  Alexan- 
drian description  of  the  event  seems  to  be  exactly  the  phenomenon  that 
the  sculptors  were  seeking  to  represent  on  the  sarcophagi.  By  what  ap- 
3 Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  356. 

Le  Blant,  Etude  sur  les  sarcophages  chretiens  de  la  ville  d’ Arles,  1878,  p.  27. 
‘Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  348;  Chronicon  Paschale,  Bonner  Corp.,  p.  420  sq ; the  Ency- 
clopaedia Britannica,  s.  v.  “Chronicum”  says  that  the  manuscript  was  compiled  between 
610-614  A.  D. 


;6 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


pears  to  be  a waterfall  they  sought  to  show  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  piled 
back  upon  their  source  in  order  to  leave  a shallow  space  in  the  river  bed 
where  the  first  sacrament  might  be  performed.  On  one  sarcophagus  the 
river  instead  of  resembling  a cataract  or  waterfall,  as  it  usually  does, 
rises  behind  Jesus  like  a huge  wave8  (Fig.  61).  There  could  have  been 
no  direct  relation  between  the  text  and  the  representations  of  the  Baptism 
on  the  sarcophagi  inasmuch  as  the  “Chronicon”  was  written  as  late  as  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  century.  It  is  supposed,  however,  to  have  been 
compiled  from  earlier  sources  and  may,  therefore,  preserve,  in  the  case 
of  the  Jordan  turned  back  upon  its  source,  an  older  Hellenistic  tradition 
which  was  also  current  among  the  sarcophagi  carvers. 

Group  II.  The  Provcngal  Type. 

The  Provenqal  type,  which  is  listed  as  a sub-group  of  the  Hellenistic 
type,  is  distinct  and  uniform.  The  monuments  which  show  this  type  are 
three  ivories  whose  Provenqal  provenience  has  become  evident  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  preceding  scenes:  the  Berlin  fragment,  the  Milan  book 
cover  (Fig.  62),  and  the  Werden  casket  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum. 


Fig.  62.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  The  Baptism. 

A fourth  is  the  Carolingian  book  cover  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford 
which  appears  to  have  been  in  part  copied  from  the  diptych  of  which  the 
Berlin  fragment  is  a portion  (see  also  a Carolingian  ivory  at  Munich, 
note  15,  p.  64).  All  these  ivories  show  Jesus  with  long  hair,  beard- 
less and  small,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Berlin  fragment  (Fig. 
163),  they  show  Him  immersed  in  the  water  to  His  knees.9  The  fact 


8 Table  IV,  no.  8. 


9 Table  IV,  nos.  19-22. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


77 


that  Jesus  on  the  Berlin  ivory  wears  a plain  nimbus  and  on  the  Werden  cas- 
ket wears  a cruciform  nimbus  has  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  the  iconog- 
raphy, as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  nimbi  were  added  long 
after  the  ivories  had  been  carved.  This  assumption  is  borne  out  by  the 
manner  in  which  the  waves  of  the  Jordan  on  the  Berlin  fragment  cut  across 
the  nimbus,  which  is  only  a double  incised  line  on  the  background.  John  the 
Baptist  on  these  four  ivories  is  bearded,  wears  the  exomis  instead  of  the 
pallium,  and  carries  in  his  hand  a pedum,  or  shepherd’s  crook,  which  is 
the  most  distinguishing  feature  of  the  group.  In  the  same  manner  all  the 
monuments  represent  the  Jordan  like  a cataract  falling  behind  the  figure 
of  Jesus  on  whose  head  descends  the  Spirit  of  God  in  the  form  of  a dove. 
The  Werden  casket  ( Fig.  63),  which  in  so  many  of  its  scenes  duplicates 
the  iconography  on  the  Milan  covers  and  is  even  considered  by  some 


Fig.  63.  S.  Kensington  : Victoria  and  Al- 
bert Museum,  ivory  casket.  The  Baptism. 

authorities  to  have  been  done  by  the  same  hand,  adds  a curious  detail  in  the 
form  of  a personification  of  the  Jordan  seated  at  the  left  of  the  scene.  With 
his  arms  full  of  water  plants,  the  river  god  sits  upon  the  top  of  a little 
mountain  and  from  an  overturned  urn  at  his  side  the  waters  of  the  Jordan 
flow  down  to  Christ. 

The  pedum,  which  is  the  feature  distinguishing  the  group  from  all 
others,  does  not  appear  in  any  of  the  representations  on  the  sarcophagi. 
In  fact,  the  only  other  example  of  this  shepherd’s  crook  that  John  carries 
occurs  in  the  fifth  century  mosaic  in  the  Arian  baptistery  (Santa  Maria  in 
Cosmedin)  at  Ravenna.10  All  the  other  details  of  the  composition  of  the 
Provenqal  type  occur  on  Gallic  sarcophagi  and  in  many  cases  are  peculiar 
to  the  West.  The  beardless  and  childlike  Christ,  which  was  the  regular 

10  Table  IV,  no.  30. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


78 

Hellenistic  type  in  the  Western  representations,  appears  on  two  sarcophagi 
of  Arles,  one  of  Soissons,  and  on  another  at  Mas  d’Aire.11  The  Jordan 
depicted  like  a cataract  occurs  on  all  four  of  these  monuments.  In  other 
words,  the  characteristic  elements  of  the  scene  on  the  ivories,  with  the 
exception  of  the  pedum,  were  customary  parts  of  the  composition  on  the 
sarcophagi  of  Gaul.  While  the  analogies  with  the  Provencal  monuments 
only  show  that  the  connection  of  the  type  with  Provence  is  possible,  the 
important  fact  that  is  established  by  the  scene  of  the  Baptism  on  the  ivories 
is  the  close  relation  of  the  group.  In  the  case  of  the  Bodleian  cover  (see 
Fig.  169),  a Carolingian  work  of  about  800  that  was  carved  somewhere 
in  the  north  of  France,  it  is  interesting  to  be  able  to  show  so  intimate 
a connection  on  the  part  of  a monument  of  this  period  with  the  early  art 
of  Provence. 

East. 

The  features  which  appear  to  be  peculiar  to  the  Oriental  representa- 
tions of  the  Baptism  are  the  bearded  Christ,  the  fleeing  Jordan  of  the 
Egyptian  variant,  and  the  assisting  angels.  Minor  characteristics  which 


Fig.  64.  Florence:  Laurentiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  The  Baptism  (The  Hand  of  God, 

OMITTED  IN  THE  CUT,  APPEARS  IN  THE  ORIGINAL). 

are  not  so  distinctive  are  the  immersion  of  Christ  to  His  waist,  the  nimbi 
on  Jesus,  John,  and  the  angels,  and  the  hand  of  God  with  the  rays  of 
light  issuing  from  it. 


11  Table  IV,  nos.  10,  13,  8,  9. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


79 


Group  III.  The  Syrian  Group. 

The  only  two  examples,  miniatures  in  the  Rabula  (Fig.  64)  and 
the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels  (Fig.  65),  which  form  this  group,  while  they 


Fig.  65.  Etschmiadzin:  Gospels.  The 
Baptism. 

possess  many  features  in  common,  are  not  sufficiently  alike  and  distinct 
enough  from  other  representations  to  form  a type.12  On  both  manuscripts 
Christ,  who  is  immersed  to  the  waist,  is  small,  has  dark  hair,  and  though 
beardless  in  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels  is  bearded  in  the  Rabula  Gospels. 
Both  scenes  show  John  the  Baptist  bearded  and  wearing  a pallium  and 
depict  the  hand  of  God  above  the  dove  to  complete  the  Trinity. 

Group  IV.  The  Alexandrian-C optic  Type. 

The  distinguishing  features  of  this  group  are  the  personification  of  the 
Jordan  as  a fleeing  river  god  and  the  appearance  of  one  or  more  angels 
as  attendants  at  the  Baptism.  The  type,  if  such  we  may  call  it,  occurs  on 
the  Maximianus  chair13  (Fig.  66),  an  ivory  in  the  British  Museum14  (Fig. 
67),  and  in  one  of  the  Bawit  frescoes  in  Egypt15  (Fig.  68).  The  fact 
that  the  iconography  of  the  Baptism,  as  of  so  many  other  scenes,  on  the 
Maximianus  chair  is  also  represented  on  the  Egyptian  ivory  in  the  British 
Museum  and  in  Egyptian  frescoes,  tends  to  confirm  not  only  the  Alexan- 
drian origin  of  the  Maximianus  chair  but  also  the  existence  of  an  Alex- 
andrian-Coptic  type  of  the  Baptism. 

12  Table  IV,  nos.  23,  24.  33  Table  IV,  no.  25.  14  Table  IV,  no.  26. 

ir'  Table  IV,  no.  27. 


8o  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

To  this  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  must  be  added  the  scene  on  the  gold 
medallion  from  Cyprus  in  Strzygowski  s collection.1*’  While  its  general 
workmanship,  as  well  as  the  consistent  use  of  the  nimbus  on  Christ,  the 
Baptist,  and  the  angels,  recalls  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  of  the  scene,  the 


Fig.  66.  Milan  : Museo  Archeologico, 

IVORY  PANEL  OF  CHAIR  OF  MaXIMIANUS.  The 

Baptism. 


Fig.  67.  British  Museum  : ivory 
panel.  The  Baptism. 


essential  features  of  the  medallion  classify  the  scene  with  the  Egyptian 
ivory  in  the  British  Museum.  In  both  scenes,  besides  the  dove  descending 
on  the  head  of  Christ,  occurs  the  uncommon  feature  of  the  hand  of  God 
with  rays  of  light  emanating  from  it.  On  the  Cyprus  medallion,  although 
three  personifications  appear,  one  of  them  represents  the  fleeing  Jordan 


10  Table  IV,  no.  32,  and  Errata.  This  medallion  was  first  classified  from  a description 
in  which  the  hand  of  God  and  personification  of  the  fleeing  Jordan  were  not  noted. 
Upon  verification  with  a photograph,  it  was  found  that  these  features  did  appear  and 
that  the  medallion  was  to  be  classified  in  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  instead  of  in  the 
Palestinian-Coptic  group. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  8 1 

which  is  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  of  the 
Baptism. 

In  Egypt  the  Hellenistic  type  was  gradually  altered,  as  it  became 
indigenous  to  Egypt,  by  the  growing  Oriental  influences  both  traditional 
to  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs  and  introduced  into  the  country  from  Syria 
and  Palestine.  This  tendency  of  the  type  to  become  more  Oriental  in 
character  appears  in  comparing  the  scene  on  the  Maximianus  chair  with 
the  Bawit  fresco;  on  the  chair  the  figure  of  Christ  is  small  and  beardless 
after  the  Hellenistic  representations;  but  in  the  fresco  the  bearded  Christ 
recalls  the  figure  of  the  Rabula  Gospels. 

Although  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  personification  of  the  fleeing 


Fig.  68.  Bawit:  fresco.  The  Baptism. 


Jordan  as  it  is  represented  in  the  scene  of  the  Baptism  on  the  Maximianus 
chair  originated  in  Alexandria,  there  is  no  definite  connection  of  the  type, 
irrespective  of  the  monuments  on  which  it  occurs,  with  that  city.  While 
the  “Chronicon  Paschale,’’  compiled  in  the  early  seventh  century  in  Alex- 
andria, personifies  the  Jordan  and  describes  the  river  as  having  fled  at  the 
words  of  the  Almighty,17  a similar  story  is  related  by  several  Syrian  writers 
and  Theophany  sermons.18 

Besides  the  personification  of  the  river,  the  regular  appearance  of  one 
or  more  angels  as  attendants  at  the  Baptism  is  another  marked  feature 
of  the  type.  1 he  presence  of  these  angels  Leclercq  considers  to  be  a 
characteristic  detail  of  Oriental,  and  particularly  of  Alexandrian  ivories.19 


'“Jacoby,  op.  cit.,  p.  17. 

1!>  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  368. 


!S  Jacoby,  op  cit.,  pp.  42,  43,  44,  45. 


82 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Group  V.  A Ravenna  Group. 

The  two  scenes  of  the  Baptism  on  the  fifth  century  mosaics  of  San 
Giovanni  in  Fonte20  and  the  Arian  Baptistery  ( Santa  Maria  in  Cosmedin)21 
(Fig.  69)  at  Ravenna  show  a strange  mixture  of  Eastern  and  Western  fea- 
tures. The  restorations  of  the  mosaics  of  San  Giovanni  have  greatly  altered 
the  iconography.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  scene  of  the  Baptism  in 


Santa  Maria  in  Cosmedin  is  a copy  of  the  earlier  scene  in  San  Giovanni  in 
Fonte.  Such  being  the  case,  we  may  with  Strzygowski  ascribe  to  the  re- 
storation of  the  earlier  mosaic  the  patera  in  the  hand  of  the  Baptist,  the  sub- 
stitution of  the  cross  for  the  pedum,  and  the  placing  of  the  nimbus  on  John’s 
head.  These  two  scenes  do  not  classify  very  satisfactorily.  In  the  first  place 
the  fact  that  Jesus  is  immersed  in  the  Jordan  to  His  waist  is  more  char- 
acteristic of  Eastern  representations  and  the  presence  of  the  personification 
of  the  Jordan  in  both  scenes  points  to  Alexandria.  The  figure  of  Jordan, 
however,  is  here  used  only  as  a symbol  of  locality,  and  is  not  represented 
as  fleeing. 

Group  VI.  The  P ale stinian-C optic  Type. 

The  characteristics  of  this  group,  with  the  exception  that  the  personifi- 
cation of  the  Jordan  does  not  figure  in  the  compositions,  are  not  very 
different  from  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type.  Aside  from  the  absence  of 
the  river  god  the  only  really  distinguishing  feature  of  the  group  is  the 
consistent  use  of  the  nimbus  on  all  the  figures.  In  the  other  groups  there 
have  been  a very  few  scattered  examples  where  the  nimbus  was  used,  but 


Fig.  69.  Ravenna:  Arian  Bap- 
tistery. The  Baptism. 


20  Table  IV,  110.  29. 


21  Table  IV,  no.  30. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


83 

in  this  type  all  the  figures,  including  the  angels,  receive  the  nimbus.  The 
Palestinian  monuments  on  which  this  type  occurs  are  a Monza  phial22 
(Fig.  70),  an  ampulla  in  the  Ivaiser-Friedrich  Museum.23  and  an  eighth 


Fig.  70.  Monza:  ampulla.  The  Baptism. 


century  (?)  panel  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum.24  In  the  sixth  century  the 
type  appears  in  Egypt  on  a panel  of  the  Golenisheft  Collection25  (Fig.  71), 
on  a medallion  from  Akmim,26  and  there  is  possibly  an  example  on  an  ivory 
in  the  British  Museum27  of  the  seventh  century  ( ?,  see  p.  71,  note  12).  In 
the  eighth  century  the  type  occurs  in  Italy  in  the  frescoes  of  St.  Pontianus 
at  Rome28  and  San  Gennaro  at  Naples.29  Save  for  the  addition  of  the  at- 
tendant angel  and  the  use  of  the  nimbi,  the  scene  on  the  Golenisheft"  panel 
recalls  the  representation  of  the  Rabula  Gospels  in  that  it  is  the  only  ex- 
ample in  the  group  to  show  Jesus  with  a beard.  The  ivory  in  the  British 
Museum  presents  a suspiciously  curious  scene  in  which  the  attendant  angel 
is  heavily  bearded. 

22  Table  IV,  no.  31. 

28  This  example,  which  was  listed  after  the  table  in  the  Appendix  had  been  set  up, 
is  of  Palestinian-Coptic  type  (see  Amtlichc  Berichte  aus  den  Koniglichen  Kunsts., 
XXXV,  no.  2,  Nov.  1913,  fig.  21,  p.  40).  Christ  is  small,  beardless,  with  long  hair, 
wears  a nimbus,  and  is  immersed  to  His  waist  in  the  Jordan.  John  the  Baptist  is 
bearded  and  nimbed,  and  wears  a pallium  A dove  descends  upon  the  head  of  Christ, 
while  two  nimbed  angels  at  the  left  of  the  composition  complete  the  scene.  In  the  same 
collection  {op.  cit.,  fig.  22)  is  another  scene  of  the  Baptism  on  a piece  of  beaten  bronze 
from  Pergamon.  Although  much  cruder  and  simpler  than  the  rendering  on  the  ampulla, 
this  is  also  Palestinian-Coptic.  Save  for  the  absence  of  all  nimbi  and  the  presence  of 
only  one  angel,  it  is  essentially  the  same  as  the  scene  on  the  ampulla. 

24  Table  IV,  no.  36.  23  Table  IV,  no.  33-  28  Table  IV,  no.  34. 

27  Table  IV,  no.  35.  28  Table  IV,  no.  38.  29  Table  IV,  no.  39. 


84 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Group  VII.  The  Byzantine  Group. 

Unlike  so  many  other  scenes  in  Byzantine  iconography,  the  Baptism 
does  not  present  a type  that  in  its  origin  is  clear  and  distinct  from  the 


Fig.  7 1.  Petrograd:  Golenisheff  Collec- 
tion, panel.  The  Baptism. 

other  types.  A carved  column-drum  of  the  sixth  century  in  the  Museum 
of  Constantinople  may  present  what  was  the  proto-Byzantine  type.30 
It  shows  a bearded  ( ?)  Christ,  the  personification  of  the  Jordan,  and  two 
angels  assisting  at  the  sacrament.  Save  for  the  bearded  Christ,  which  is 
doubtful,  it  is  the  same  as  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  Byzantine  method  of  representing  the  Baptism  may  have  had 
some  such  origin,  for  Constantinople  in  the  sixth  century  was  a clearing 
house  for  all  the  artistic  ideas  of  the  Orient.  The  personification  of  the 
Jordan  as  well  as  the  number  of  the  angels  does  not  seem  to  have  con- 
formed to  any  rule.31  In  the  Menologium  of  Basil  II  (976-1025)  there 
is  no  personification  and  only  two  angels,32  while  in  the  eleventh  century 
Ms.  74  at  Paris  (Bibl.  Nat.)  there  are  five  angels  and  a small  figure  of 
the  Jordan.33 

30  Table  IV,  no.  28. 

31  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  pp.  654-655,  says  that  two  angels  were 
usually  represented  until  the  eleventh  century  and  that  there  were  three  or  more  there- 
after. 

32  Strzygowski,  Iconographie  dcr  Taufe  Christi,  II/n. 

33  Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  III/9. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


85 


X 

THE  MIRACLE  OF  CANA 

The  various  methods  of  representing  the  Miracle  of  Cana  in  Christian 
art  divide  into  four  general  types,  the  Hellenistic,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic, 
the  Palestinian-Coptic,  and  the  Byzantine.  The  Hellenistic  type  is  purely 
symbolic  and  the  disciples  are  reduced  to  only  one,  while  Christ,  like  a 
magician,  is  represented  touching  with  His  wand  the  jars  of  water  which 
van,-  in  number  from  one  to  seven.  The  Alexandrian-Coptic  is  transitional 
between  the  earlier  symbolical  type  and  the  more  indigenous  and  narrative 
type  of  the  East  ; it  retains  the  symbolic  character  of  the  Hellenistic  type 
by  preserving  in  the  scene  the  one  disciple  and  by  continuing  to  represent 
Christ  with  His  wand  as  a kind  of  magician;  yet  to  give  a slightly  more 
narrative  cast  to  the  scene  it  introduces  the  figure  of  one  servant  who  pours 
the  water  into  the  jars.  The  Palestinian-Coptic  type  introduces  the  Virgin 
into  the  scene  and  appears  to  fix  the  number  of  jars,  in  accordance  with 
John  ii,  6,  as  six.  The  Byzantine  is  the  fully  developed  and  historical  type 
in  which  two  servants  pour  the  water  into  six  jars,  the  Virgin  is  always 
present,  and  the  additional  feature  of  the  wedding  feast  is  added  to  the 
composition. 

The  Hellenistic  Type 

In  its  purely  symbolic  character  the  Hellenistic  type  of  the  Miracle 
of  Cana  is  in  no  wise  different  from  other  Hellenistic  scenes.  While 
recounted  only  in  the  Gospel  of  John  (ii,  1-10),  which  differs  so  notice- 
ably from  the  Synoptic  Gospels  by  the  marked  symbolic  interpretation 
that  it  puts  upon  the  miracles,  and  was  one  of  the  leading  factors  in  mould- 
ing the  entire  cycle  of  early  Christian  symbolism,  the  episode  was  con- 
sidered by  theologians  as  the  first  authentic  miracle  of  the  Saviour.  During 
the  third  and  the  fourth  centuries  it  appears  to  have  gained  great  theo- 
logical importance,  and  became,  in  combination  with  the  miracle  of  the 
loaves  and  the  fishes,  a symbol  of  the  Eucharistic  Transubstantiation. 

The  groups  of  this  Hellenistic  type  which  are  here  constituted  are 
primarily  based  on  the  number  of  jars  represented  in  the  various  scenes. 
While  the  number1  of  jars  was  a subject  of  mystical  contemplation  and 

1 De  Mely,  Vases  de  Cana,  in  Mon.  Piot,  X,  1903,  p.  156. 


86 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN'  ICONOGRAPHY 


intricate  symbolism  during  the  Middle  Ages,  there  is  no  evidence  that 
it  played  an  important  part  in  the  symbolism  during  the  early  centuries 
of  Christian  art.  Nevertheless  it  offers  an  easy  means  of  classifying  the 
variations  of  the  Hellenistic  type. 

Groups  I-VI. 

In  these  groups  the  only  variation  in  the  representation  is  the  number 
of  jars,  varying  from  one  to  seven,  which  Christ  touches  with  His  wand. 
There  is  only  one  example,  a sarcophagus  of  Numidia  (Fig.  72),  on 
which  the  jars  are  reduced  to  one.2  Two  jars  occur  on  two  sarcophagi 
of  Arles,  a sarcophagus  of  Toulouse,  and  on  two  sarcophagi  of  Rome 


Fig.  72.  Algiers:  sarcophagus 

from  Numidia.  The  Miracle  of 
Cana. 

which  differ  from  the  others  in  the  detail  that  Christ  does  not  carry  a 
wand.3  The  group  with  three  jars  is  by  far  the  largest;  it  includes  two 
sarcophagi  of  Arles,  one  of  Gerona,  one  of  Marseilles,  one  of  Saragossa, 
and  eight  of  Rome4  (Fig.  73).  On  three  sarcophagi  of  Rome  the  number 
off  jars  is  increased  to  four.5  Five  jars  appear  on  six  sarcophagi  of 
Rome,  and  on  one  of  Saragossa;  as  a rare  exception  to  the  rule,  one  of 
the  Roman  representations  omits  the  disciple  who  usually  accompanies 
the  Saviour.6  The  variation  with  six  jars  occurs  first  in  a third  century 

2 Table  V,  no.  1.  3 Table  V,  nos.  2-3;  4;  5,  6. 

4 Table  V,  nos.  7,  21:  8;  10;  11  ; 13-20.  5 Table  V,  Group  4. 

0 Table  V,  nos.  24-28,  29,  30. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  87 

fresco  in  the  catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro  e Marcellino  and  later,  in  the  fourth 
century,  in  another  fresco  in  the  same  catacomb ; it  also  appears  on 


Fig.  73.  Rome  : sarcophagus. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana. 

a sarcophagus  in  Madrid  and  on  two  of  Rome  where  again  the  disciple  is 
omitted.  Included  in  this  group  is  a copper  cover  from  Alexandria  and 
the  silver  casket  of  Milan  which  has  sometimes  been  ascribed  to  the  same 
centre.7 

Group  VII.  Seven  Jars. 

The  number  seven  is  peculiar  to  the  representations  on  the  “Roman 
glass"s  (Fig.  74).  It  is  true  that  the  scenes  on  these  pieces  of  glass  are 
more  symbolic  in  appearance,  for  the  disciple  is  always  omitted  and  the 
solitary  Christ,  as  a kind  of  thaumaturgist,  is  depicted  touching  with  His 
wand  the  seven  stone  jars.  In  addition  to  these  glass  examples  the  seven 
jars  appear  on  the  doors  of  Santa  Sabina  at  Rome9  which  are  probably  of 
Eastern  execution. 

7 Table  V,  nos.  31-32,  Group  VI.  All  the  writers  on  the  silver  casket  in  the  church 
of  San  Xazzaro  at  Milan  have  seen  evidence  in  it  of  late  Hellenistic  workmanship.  For 
my  own  part,  I feel  that  it  exhibits,  especially  in  the  scene  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  (?),  a freedom  of  composition  and  a disregard  of  tradition  incompatible  with 
early  Christian  workmanship.  H.  Graeven,  Zeitschrift  fiir  christliche  Kunst,  1899,  taf.  I ; 
A.  Riegl,  Die  spatromische  Kunstindnstric , p.  106:  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeol- 
ogy, P-  563- 

8 Table  V,  nos.  39-44. 


■'  Table  V,  no.  38. 


88 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


East 

The  scene  of  the  Miracle  of  Cana  does  not  appear  to  have  been  as 
popular  in  the  East  as  it  was  in  the  West.  As  a rule  the  scenes  of  de- 


Fig.  74.  Rome  : Vatican,  bottom  of  glass 
cup.  Resurrection  of  Lazarus  and  Miracle 
of  Cana. 


veloped  theological  allegory  and  of  Hellenistic  origin  prevailed  in  the 
West  as  the  Occidental  type  while  in  the  Orient  they  were  often  supplanted 
by  scenes  more  personally  connected  with  the  lives  of  the  Saviour  and  the 
Virgin.  This  tendency  of  the  East  to  give  actual  color  to  all  the  events 
of  the  New  Testament  disguised  the  symbolism  of  the  older  Hellenistic 
scenes.  For  example,  in  the  Miracle  of  Cana  the  realistic  expansion  began 
by  the  addition  to  the  Hellenistic  type  of  one  servant  pouring  the  water ; 
then  the  Virgin  was  introduced  into  the  composition;  and  finally  in  the 
Byzantine  type  the  scene  was  made  completely  historical  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  wedding  feast. 

Group  VIII-A.  The  Alexandrian-C optic  or  Transitional  Type  zvhere  one 
servant  is  added  to  the  Hellenistic  Type. 

The  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  marks  a transition  from  the  Hellenistic 
type  of  symbolic  character  to  the  more  historic  and  indigenous  types  of 
Palestine  and  Byzantium.  If  Alexandria  was  the  centre  from  which  the 
old  symbolic  type  originally  spread,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  any  subse- 
quent tvpes  originating  there  would  preserve  much  of  the  earlier  form. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


89 


Fig.  75.  Ravenna  : ivory  panel  of  chair 
of  Maximianus.  The  Miracle  of  Cana. 


The  introduction  of  the  one  servant,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  the  modifi- 
cation of  the  Hellenistic  type  in  the  direction  of  Oriental  realism. 

This  transitional  type  occurs  on  a sarcophagus  at  Civita  Castellana10 
and  on  a silver  vase  formerly  in  the  Bianchini  collection  at  Rome11  whose 
marked  beauty  of  execution  and  Hellenistic  figures  afford  some  evidence  of 
the  Alexandrian  origin  which  is  indicated  by  its  iconography.  The  type 
also  occurs  on  the  ivory  chair  of  Maximianus  at  Ravenna.12  On  this  ivory 
(Fig.  75),  Christ  wears  a nimbus  and  bears  the  regular  Coptic  cross  in- 
stead of  the  wand.  Six  jars  are  represented,  into  which  a servant  is 
pouring  the  water,  while  behind  him  stands  a disciple  with  his  hand  raised 
in  surprise  at  the  miracle.  This  scene  on  the  Maximianus  chair  is  repeated 
on  a Coptic  medallion  in  the  Gans  collection  at  Berlin,13  from  Egypt 
(Fig.  76). 

10  Table  V,  no.  45.  11  Table  V,  no.  46. 

31  Table  V,  no.  47.  13  Table  V,  no.  48. 


90 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Group  VIII-B.  Continuation  of  the  Transitional  Type  in  Italy. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  Western  versions  of  this  type  which  necessitates 
an  Egyptian  origin.  It  could  as  well  have  sprung  up  in  a dozen  places 
where  Oriental  influence  was  beginning  to  transform  the  Hellenistic 
models.  What  it  always  does  presuppose,  however,  is  the  presence  of 


Fig.  76.  Berlin:  Antiquarium,  gold  me- 

dallion from  Egypt.  The  Miracle  of  Cana. 

Eastern  influences.  Therefore,  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  to  find  it  in  the 
Baptistery  of  Bishop  Soter  at  Naples14  (Fig.  77)  which  manifests  un- 
questionable Oriental  inspiration,15  and  in  the  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apollinare 
Nuovo  at  Ravenna.16  The  affinities  of  the  Baptistery  of  Naples  are  all 
with  Syria;  it  is  interesting,  therefore,  to  note  that  in  its  scene  of  the 
Miracle  of  Cana,  which  is  combined  with  the  Samaritan  Woman  at  the 
Well,  there  are  represented  two  servants  who  are,  as  we  shall  see,  charac- 
teristic of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type. 

Group  VIII-C.  The  Provencal , Carolingian,  and  Ottoman  use  of  the 
Alexandrian-C  0 ptic  Type. 

In  Provence  the  Transitional  or  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  occurs  in 
the  fifth  century  on  the  ivory  fragment  in  the  Berlin  Museum17  (see 
Fig.  163).  In  this  scene  Christ,  accompanied  by  a single  disciple,  stands 
between  four  jars  into  which  a servant  is  pouring  the  water.  Without 
attaching  undue  importance  to  the  observation,  it  is  to  be  noted  (in  con- 

14  Table  V,  no.  49.  15  Diehl,  Manuel,  p.  117.  16  Table  V,  no.  50. 

17  Table  V,  no.  51.  The  commentary  on  the  miracle  by  Maximus  of  Turin  (first  half 
of  fifth  century,  Horn,  23)  shows  that  the  servant  was  an  important  feature  of  his 
mental  image  of  the  scene  (cf.  Zahn,  Amtl.  Ber.,  XXXV,  p.  100). 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


9i 


sideration  of  the  fact  that,  from  stylistic  reasons,  I have  suggested  that 
Roman  workmen,  emigrating  from  Rome  to  Provence,  carved  the  Berlin 
ivory18)  that  four  jars  are  found  only  on  two  sarcophagi  of  Rome.19 


Fig.  77.  Naples:  Baptistery,  mosaic.  The 
Miracle  of  Cana  (after  Garrucci;  a second 

SERVANT  APPEARS  IN  THE  ORIGINAL  MOSAIC). 

About  500  the  same  type,  with  a few  changes,  appears  on  the  ivory  book 
covers  in  Milan  cathedral20  (Fig.  78).  Christ,  accompanied  by  eight  spec- 
tators instead  of  one,  is  here  represented  touching  with  His  wand  three 
jars  into  which  a servant  is  pouring  the  water.  In  a way  this  rendering 
is  even  more  transitional  in  character  than  the  regular  type  seen  on  the 
previous  ivory;  for  the  figure  of  Christ  with  a wand  is  in  the  Hellenistic 


Fig.  78  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  The  Miracle  of  Cana. 

manner  seen  principally  on  the  sarcophagi  of  the  West,  the  single  servant 
is  an  Eastern  feature  added  to  make  the  scene  less  symbolic,  and  the  eight 
disciples  are  the  effort  of  the  particular  artist  of  the  Milan  covers  to  make 
his  composition  more  narrative.  While  there  is  nothing  in  these  composi- 
tions to  connect  the  ivories  with  Provence,  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  num- 


18  See  Berlin  Ivory,  p.  246  sq.  1'<  Table  V,  group  4. 


20  Table  V,  no.  52. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


92 

ber  of  jars,  three  on  the  Milan  covers  and  usually  six  on  the  more  literal 
Eastern  monuments,  is  never  more  than  three  in  the  scenes  of  the  Miracle 
of  Cana  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Gaul.21 

As  in  the  case  of  so  many  Egyptian  types,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic 
type  was  transmitted  to  Carolingian  art  where  it  appears  on  the  book  cover 
in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford22  (See  Fig.  169).  This  Carolingian 
ivory,  which  is  in  part  a copy  of  the  Berlin  ivory  and  has  many  icono- 
graphic  affiliations  with  Provengal  types,  presents  a scene  that  is  nearly 
identical  with  the  rendering  on  the  Berlin  fragment  save  for  the  fact 
that  the  jars  are  increased  to  six,  thereby  conforming  not  only  to  the 
Eastern  usage  but  also  to  the  Carolingian  scenes  of  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries.  In  the  subsequent  art  of  the  North  this  type  appears  on  an 
Anglo-Saxon  drinking  cup  in  the  British  Museum23  and  in  the  eleventh 
century  in  the  Missal  of  Limoges.24 

Group  IX-A.  Palestinian-C optic  Type  with  the  addition  to  the  composi- 
tion of  the  Virgin  and  with  the  servants  increased  to  two. 

Besides  the  characteristic  introduction  of  the  Virgin  and  the  addition 
of  another  servant  pouring  water,  the  Palestinian-Coptic  type  definitely 
fixes  the  number  of  jars  as  six  and  omits  the  disciple.  The  introduction 
of  the  Virgin,  while  attributable  to  Oriental  fidelity  to  the  Biblical  account, 


Fig.  79.  Florence:  Laurentiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  The  Miracle  of  Cana. 

may  also  be  explained  by  the  early  acceptance  and  development  of  the  cult 
of  the  Virgin  in  Syria.  The  type  appears  in  Syria  among  the  miniatures 
of  the  Rabula  Gospels25  of  586  A.  D.  (Fig.  79)  and  then  appears  to  have 
been  closely  imitated  in  a fresco  of  Antinoe  in  Egypt26  (Fig.  80).  Un- 
luckily these  are  the  only  two  examples  of  the  early  Christian  period. 

21  Table  V,  110s.  7,  10,  21. 

22  Table  V,  no.  53.  See  also  the  Carolingian  fragment  at  Munich,  p.  64,  note  15. 

23  Table  V,  no.  54.  24  Table  V,  no.  55.  25  Table  V,  no.  56. 

20  Table  V,  no.  57. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


93 


Group  IX-B.  Continuation  of  the  Palestinian-C optic  Type  in  the  West. 

The  Carolingian  art  of  the  ninth  century  in  the  West  derived  a large 
part  of  its  iconography  and  many  of  its  ornamental  motifs  from  Syria 
and  Egypt.  Therefore,  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  to  find  the  Virgin  added 


Fig.  8o.  Antinoe:  fresco.  The  Miracle 
of  Can  a. 

to  the  scene  in  the  Gospels  of  Soissons27  (Fig.  81),  the  Gradual  of  Priim,28 
a Carolingian  coffer  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum29  at  Rome,  the  Codex 
Egberti30  of  the  tenth  century,  and  in  Italy  on  an  ivory  of  Palermo.31 

Group  X.  The  Byzantine  Type  with  the  introduction  of  the  zvedding  feast. 

This  type  is  primarily  the  same  as  the  Palestinian-Coptic  save  for  the 
fact  that  there  is  added  the  wedding  feast  with  the  bride,  groom,  and 
guests  seated  around  the  table  while  the  Saviour,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Virgin,  performs  the  miracle.  When  this  type  originated  in  the  East  it  is 
hard  to  say.  On  the  left  hand  anterior  column  of  the  ciborium  of  San 
Marco32  this  amplified  type  occurs  in  a form  suspiciously  developed  for 
the  date  in  the  sixth  century  which  is  regularly  given  to  this  column.  It 
was  from  the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century  on,  when  the  venerators 
of  images  triumphed  in  Byzantium,  that  the  historical  type  became  devel- 
oped and  popular  on  the  monuments  of  the  East. 

In  the  ninth  century,  on  the  Paliotto  of  Milan,33  all  the  elements  of 
this  type  appear,  although  the  actual  feast  is  represented  by  only  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  feast  who  receives  the  wine  from  the  hand  of  a servant.  By 
the  end  of  the  ninth  century  and  through  the  eleventh  century  we  have 
several  examples  of  it  on  Byzantine  ivories34  and  in  the  Greek  manuscript 

27  Table  \,  no.  58.  2S  Table  V,  no.  59.  26  Table  V,  no.  61. 

30  Table  V,  no.  60.  31  Table  V,  no.  62.  32  Table  V,  no.  63. 

33  Table  V,  no.  64.  34  Table  V,  nos.  65-68. 


94 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Fig.  8i.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Gos- 
pels of  Soissons.  The  Miracle 
of  Cana. 

no.  74  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris35  (Fig.  82).  In  the  twelfth 
century  it  also  appears  on  such  Italo-Byzantine  monuments  as  the  doors 
of  Benevento,36  the  ivory  panels  of  Salerno,37  and  the  mosaics  of  Mon- 
reale.38 


XI 

THE  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND 
The  Gospels  tell  of  three  and  possibly  four  occasions  when  Christ  gave 
sight  to  the  blind.  In  the  artistic  renderings  of  the  miracle  of  the  Healing 
of  the  Blind  it  is  not  only  very  difficult  to  tell  which  one  of  the  events 
the  artists  have  followed,  but  it  is  also  only  possible  to  derive  from  these 
representations  certain  general  types.  The  classification  is  in  part  based 
on  the  local  origin  of  the  examples,  as  the  variations  in  rendering  do  not 
justify  a segregation  into  types  on  the  ground  of  differing  details.  The 
Hellenistic  type  shows  a single  blind  man,  small  of  stature  as  compared 
to  Christ  and  frequently  carrying  a staff ; the  Saviour  either  touches  him 
on  the  eyes  or  lays  a hand  on  his  head.  The  Oriental-Hellenistic  division 
is  a continuation  of  this  same  type  on  Eastern  monuments,  although  on 
some  of  the  examples  Christ  raises  his  hand  instead  of  touching  the  blind 
man.  The  Alexandrian-Coptic  is  again  a continuation  of  the  earlier  type 
with  the  addition  of  the  Coptic  cross  which  Christ  usually  carries  in 
miracle  scenes.  The  Syrian  type  is  more  distinct  in  showing  two  blind 

30  Table  V,  no.  69. 

37  Table  V,  no.  72. 


36  Table  V,  no.  71. 
38  Table  V,  no.  73. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  95 

men  approaching  Christ  instead  of  one.  It  is  into  this  group  that  the 
scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  falls.  The  Byzantine  type  is  the  most  historical, 
for  it  represents  the  blind  man,  after  Christ  has  put  clay  upon  his  eyes, 
washing  in  the  well  of  Siloam. 

While  the  Gospels  speak  of  four  miracles  of  the  kind,  they  give  the 
artistic  details  for  only  two  distinct  scenes.  Matthew  writes  that  when 
Christ  was  departing  from  the  house  of  Jairus1  two  blind  men  followed 
Him  and  that  on  leaving  Jericho2  He  met  two  blind  men  seated  by  the  side 
of  the  road;  in  both  cases  after  He  had  touched  their  eyes  they  were  healed. 


Fig.  82.  Paris  : Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  74. 
The  Miracle  of  Cana. 


Mark  writes  that  Christ  on  His  way  to  Jericho,  when  the  blind  man  Bar- 
timeus  who  sat  begging  by  the  side  of  the  road  asked  for  mercy,  told 
him  that  his  faith  had  made  him  whole.3  Unlike  the  other  miracles  it  is 
related  in  the  Gospel  of  John4  that  Jesus,  meeting  the  man  born  blind, 
rubbed  clay  upon  his  eyes  and  sent  him  to  wash  them  in  the  pool  at  Siloam. 

The  Hellenistic  type,  where  Christ  usually  touches  the  eyes  of  the 
blind,  who  is  small  of  stature,  appears  to  be  a symbolic  rendering  of 
the  last  named  miracle0  which  in  the  Byzantine  type  is  depicted  in  a more 
narrative  manner.  This  miracle  is  the  only  one  wherein  Christ  touches 
the  eyes  of  a single  blind  man  and  its  dependence  on  the  account  in  John 
is  shown  by  a sarcophagus  described  by  Bottari6  where  two  miracles  of 
the  healing  of  the  blind  are  figured,  the  one  at  the  left  showing  Christ 
laying  His  hand  on  the  head  of  a blind  man  who  sits  by  the  wayside  and 
another  scene  which  depicts  Him  touching  with  His  fingers  the  eyes  of 
a small  figure  in  front  of  Him.  If  the  touching  of  the  eyes  represents  the 

1 Matthew,  ix,  27-30.  2 Matthew,  xx,  29-34. 

“Mark,  x,  46-52.  4 John,  ix,  1-41. 

Leclercq  in  Cabrol  s Dictiomiawc  d’archeologie  chvctienne  ct  dc  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Aveug- 
les,”  col.  3232. 

Pj  Bottari,  Sculturc  e pitture,  I,  pi.  XXXII. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


96 

healing  of  the  man  born  blind,  the  other  scene  on  the  sarcophagus  must 
then  depict  the  healing  of  Bartimeus  who  sat  begging  at  the  side  of  the 
road  until  Jesus  called  to  him. 

The  symbolic  nature,  however,  of  all  the  Hellenistic  types  makes  it 
uncertain  in  the  case  of  this  miracle  which  one  of  the  Gospel  accounts 
was  being  followed.  The  symbolic  and  didactic  meaning  of  the  episode 
was  suggested  and  partly  developed  by  the  Evangelist  John  in  his  account 
of  the  miracle.  As  early  as  the  second  century  St.  Irenaeus7  expounded 
the  relationship  between  the  restitution  of  the  light  of  the  world  and  the 


Fig.  83.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  Christ  Heal- 
ing the  Blind. 

resurrection  of  the  flesh  by  the  introduction  into  it  of  the  light  of  heaven, 
and  this  relationship  was  restated  by  the  theologians  of  the  succeeding 
centuries.8 

The  Hellenistic  type  appears  in  the  West  as  early  as  the  beginning 
of  the  third  century  in  a fresco  of  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla  where  Christ 
is  represented  touching  with  His  fingers  the  eyes  of  a blind  man  who  kneels 

7 Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  col.  3230;  Irenaeus,  Adi’,  haeres.  P.  G.  t.  VII,  col.  1163. 

8 Leclercq,  op.  cit. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


97 


before  Him.  The  regular  rendering  of  the  type  on  the  Western  sarcophagi9 
shows  Christ  touching  the  eyes  of  a blind  man  of  small  stature  (Fig.  83), 
but  in  all  the  catacomb  representations,  with  the  exception  of  one  in  Domi- 
tilla,11  and  on  a few  sarcophagi12  Christ  lays  His  hand  on  the  blind  man’s 
head.  On  twelve  sarcophagi13  the  blind  man  carries  a staff,  a detail  more 
characteristic  of  the  later  scenes  of  Eastern  origin  than  of  the  Hellen- 
istic type. 

Group  II,  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  division  of  the  Hellenistic  type, 
includes  those  monuments  of  Eastern  origin  on  which  the  Hellenistic  type 
occurs.  While  this  type  was  uniformly  maintained  in  the  West  for  the 
first  five  centuries  of  Christian  art,  and  for  that  reason  might  be  called 
Western,  it  probably  originated  at  the  end  of  the  second  century  in  the 


East  and  thence  spread  through  the  whole  Hellenistic  world.  With  its 
presumably  Oriental  origin  in  mind  it  is  not  surprising  either  to  find  this 
type  on  Hellenistic  monuments  of  Eastern  inspiration,  like  the  Brescia 
casket,14  the  doors  of  Santa  Sabina,15  the  ciborium  columns  of  San 
Marco,16  the  Alexandrian  pyxis  at  Bologna,17  and  the  gold  encolpium  at 

8 Table  VI,  nos.  n-47,  49.  10  Table  VI,  nos.  2-8. 

11  Table  \ I,  no.  1.  12  Table  VI,  nos.  8,  9,  10,  71,  72,  48. 

13  Table  VI,  nos.  42-51,  71,  72.  14  Table  VI,  no.  53. 

lo  Table  VI,  no.  55.  16  Table  VI,  no.  56. 

17  Table  VI,  no.  54. 


Fig.  84.  Ravenna  : ivory  panel  of  chair 
of  Maximianus.  Christ  Healing  the  Blind. 


98  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

Constantinople;18  or  to  find  it  the  characteristic  composition  of  the  Alex- 
andrian-Coptic  group. 

Group  III,  the  Alexandrian-C optic  group,  is  also  a continuation  of  the 
Hellenistic  type  with  the  added  feature  of  the  Coptic  cross  which  Christ 
carries  in  the  miracle.  This  Coptic  variation  of  the  type  appears  on  the 
ivory  chair  of  Maximianus19  (Fig.  84),  the  ivory  book  cover  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,20  the  Murano  cover21  (Fig.  85),  and  the 


Fig.  85.  Ravenna  : Museum,  ivory  book 
COVER  FROM  MURANO.  CHRIST  HEALING  THE 
Blind. 


Coptic  pyxides  in  the  Vatican  Museum,22  at  Pesaro,23  in  the  Cluny 
Museum24  and  the  Micheli  Collection23  at  Paris.  The  regular  Hellenistic 
type  without  the  cross  occurs  on  three  other  Coptic  ivories,  two  in  Paris26 
and  one  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum  at  Rome.27 

Group  IV,  the  Syrian  type,  represents  two  blind  men  seeking  the 
mercy  of  Christ.  This  type,  which  follows  the  account  in  Matthew,  occurs 
in  the  Rabula  Gospels28  from  Zagba  in  Mesopotamia.  The  Gospels  also 
depict  a scene  (Fig.  86)  of  the  Healing  of  the  Blind  and  the  Halt  which 
recalls  the  rendering  on  the  chair  of  Maximianus.  Curiously  enough  the 

18  Table  VI,  no.  57.  19  Table  VI,  no.  58. 

21  Table  VI,  no.  60.  22  Table  VI,  no.  61. 

24  Table  VI,  no.  63.  23  Table  VI,  no.  64. 

27  Table  VI,  no.  67.  28  Table  VI,  no.  68. 


20  Table  VI,  no.  59. 

23  Table  VI,  no.  62. 

28  Table  VI,  nos.  65,  66. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


99 


Fig.  86.  Florence  : Laurentiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  Healing  of  the  Blind  and  Halt. 

type  also  appears  in  the  sixth  century  in  the  Fragment  of  Matthew  from 
Sinope  in  Asia  Minor29  (Fig.  87)  which  from  its  relationship  with  the 
Rossano  Gospels  belongs  to  a proto-Byzantine  group  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
in  the  ninth  century  in  the  Byzantine  manuscript  no.  51030  in  the  Biblio- 
theque  Rationale  at  Paris.  I have  called  the  type  Syrian  because  it  occurs 
in  the  Rabula  Gospels  and  it  may  have  been  Syrian  influence  which  carried 


Fig.  87.  Paris  : Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  fragment 
from  Sinope.  Christ  Healing  the  Blind. 


it  to  Sant  Apollinare  Nuovo.31  It  made  its  way  into  Asia  Minor,  since 
we  find  it  in  the  fragment  from  Sinope,  and  even  into  the  early  Byzantine 

26  Table  VI,  no.  69.  30  Table  VI,  no.  70. 

31  Table  VI,  no.  74.  Cf.  for  a recent  statement  of  the  evidence  for  Syrian  influence  on 
Ravennate  art,  Strzygowski,  Oriens  Christ.,  V,  1915,  p.  83. 


ioo  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

art  represented  by  Ms.  gr.  510  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale.  But  this 
same  Greek  manuscript  contains  the  other  version  of  the  scene  which  was 
already  present  in  the  Rossano  Gospels  (see  p.  101),  an  Asia  Minor  manu- 
script whose  iconography  is  persistently  Byzantine,  and  it  was  this  second 
form  which  prevailed  in  subsequent  Byzantine  art,  supplanting  the  sporadic 
Syrian  version,  and  common  enough  to  justify  its  title  as  the  Byzantine 
type. 

Whether  the  Syrian  type  originated  in  Asia  Minor  or  Syria,  it  was 
certainly  Eastern.  Therefore,  its  appearance  on  a sarcophagus  in  Rome32 
and  in  the  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna  is  indicative 
of  the  introduction  into  the  West  during  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  of 
Oriental  motifs. 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  book  cover33  represents  Christ,  accompanied 
by  a disciple,  raising  His  hand  in  blessing  toward  the  small  figure  of  a 


blind  man  who  comes  forward  leaning  on  a stick,  while  a second  blind 
man  emerges  from  an  aedicula  in  the  background  (Fig.  88).  At  the  out- 
set, this  scene  with  two  blind  men  associates  itself  with  the  Eastern 
type  of  either  Asia  Minor  or  Syria.  This  form  appeared  on  the  walls  of 
Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo  shortly  after  the  time  that  the  ivory  was  carved; 
it  seems  likely  that  the  type  had  been  introduced  directly  from  the  Orient 
into  Provence  as  it  had  been  brought  from  the  East  to  Ravenna  by 


32  Table  VI,  no.  72. 


33  Table  VI,  no.  73. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  ioi 

Oriental  workmen.  While  the  direct  relation  of  the  scene  on  the  Milan 
ivory  to  any  particular  centre  must  remain  problematic,  the  type  was  East- 
ern and  goes  to  confirm  the  curious  eclectic  character  of  the  scenes  on 
the  book  covers. 

Group  Y,  the  Byzantine  type,  as  it  appears  in  the  Codex  Rossanensis34 
(Fig.  89),  shows  Christ,  accompanied  by  two  disciples,  touching  the  eyes 
of  a single  blind  man  who  bends  before  Him ; to  the  right  is  the  pool  of 
Siloam  where  the  blind  man  washes  the  spittle  from  his  eyes  while  a large 


Fig.  89.  Rossano:  Gospels.  Christ  Healing  the  Blind. 


crowd  of  astonished  people  watch  the  restoration  of  his  sight.  This  type 
was  followed  in  the  ninth  century  in  the  Byzantine  manuscript  no.  510 
at  Paris35  (Fig.  90),  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the  Byzantine  mosaics 
of  San  Marco,36  and  passed  in  the  tenth  century  from  Constantinople 
to  Ottonian  art37 ; in  the  following  century  it  was  used  in  the  eclectic 
frescoes  of  Sant'  Angelo  in  Formis.38  It  represents  a typical  Byzantine 
rendering  of  the  Biblical  account,  the  source  in  this  case  being  the  Gospel 
of  John.  The  dependence  on  the  account  in  John  was  most  natural,  for 
in  Asia  Minor,  where  the  type  first  occurred  in  the  sixth  century  in  the 
Codex  Rossanensis,  the  centre  of  religious  inspiration  was  the  church  of 
Ephesus,  founded  by  the  Evangelist  John  and  built  upon  his  teachings. 

34  Table  \ I,  no.  75.  83  Table  VI,  no.  76. 

39  Table  VI,  no.  81.  37  Table  VI,  nos.  77,  78,  79. 

33  Table  VI.  no.  80. 


102 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


XII 


THE  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC 


I he  Gospels  refer  to  two  different  occasions  when  Jesus  restored  the 
use  of  his  limbs  to  a man  sick  of  the  palsy:  once  at  Capernaum  (Mark  ii, 
1-12 > Luke  v,  1S-26),  and  another  time  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda  (John 
v,  1-15);  in  each  case  Jesus  said  to  the  afflicted  man,  “Take  up  thy  bed 
and  walk.”  As  it  was  the  artistic  tradition  from  the  second  to  the  ninth 
century  to  picture  only  the  last  act  of  the  miracle,  it  is  impossible  to  tell 


which  of  the  two  events  is  being  depicted.  It  is  also  difficult  to  differentiate 
the  representations  of  the  various  schools,  as  the  artists  of  both  the  East 
and  the  West  persistently  show  the  paralytic  departing,  at  Christ’s  com- 
mand, with  the  bed  on  his  shoulders. 

In  a general  way  the  following  types  appear  in  the  representations : 
the  Hellenistic  type  of  simple,  symbolic  character  where  the  paralytic 
is  usually  represented  in  profile  and  Christ  is  not  always  figured  in  the 
scene;  an  Oriental-Hellenistic  group  that  is  a direct  continuation  in  late 
sixth  century  Eastern  art  of  the  early  catacomb  and  sarcophagus  type; 
two  Coptic  variations  of  the  Hellenistic  type;  and  a developed  and  his- 
torical Byzantine  type  which  portrays  Christ  and  the  disciples  approaching 
a house  where  men  lower  the  bed-ridden  paralytic  through  the  roof.  From 
the  monuments  on  which  they  occur  the  two  Coptic  renderings  may  be 
designated  as  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  where  the  paralytic,  carrying  his 
bed  in  profile,  looks  back  at  the  Saviour  who  holds  in  His  hand  the  Coptic 


Fig.  90.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  510. 
Christ  Healing  the  Blind. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


103 

cross,  and  the  “Palestinian-Coptic,”  wherein  the  paralytic  is  depicted  in 
more  or  less  frontality  holding  his  bed  with  only  the  front  end  showing, 
and  the  Saviour  carries  a cross. 

Hellenistic  Type. 

Like  all  the  types  of  this  class,  the  Hellenistic  version  of  the  Healing 
of  the  Paralytic  was  highly  symbolic.  As  a scene  of  deliverance  it  sym- 
bolized the  Baptism,  for  a cleansing  from  sin,  which  was  the  significance 
of  the  Baptism,  was  included  in  the  physical  restoration  of  the  paralytic.1 
This  dogmatic  connection  with  the  Baptism,  which  Tertullian2  plainly  as- 
serted, Wilpert  has  detected  in  the  frescoes  of  the  catacombs  wherein  the 
scene  of  the  paralytic  is  combined  with  other  symbols  and  with  the  actual 
representations  of  the  Baptism.3 

The  Hellenistic  type  appears  as  early  as  the  second  century  in  the 
Roman  catacomb  of  Priscilla.4  In  all  the  catacomb  frescoes  (Lig. 
91)  down  to  the  fifth  century  the  paralytic  is  usually  depicted5  carrying 


Fig.  91.  Rome:  Catacomb  of  Callixttjs, 
fresco.  Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 

his  bed  upside  down  on  his  shoulders  and  with  two  exceptions  Christ  is 
omitted.  On  the  “Roman  glass,”6  dating  from  the  third  to  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, the  scene  is  similar  to  that  of  the  frescoes  and  Christ  is  only  once 
introduced  into  the  composition.1  On  the  Western  sarcophagi8  a more 
consistent  type  is  preserved;  the  paralytic  is  always  small  of  stature,  and 
stand?  in  profile  at  the  feet  of  Christ  holding  his  bed  with  the  legs  hanging 

Lamberton,  St.  John’s  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting,  p.  132. 

2 Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  127. 

■ W ilpert,  Le  Pitture  dclle  catacombc  romane,  pp.  243-245;  Fractio  Panis,  p.  66. 

* Table  VII,  no.  1.  -Table  VII,  nos.  1-19.  « Table  VII,  nos.  20-23. 

' Table  VII,  no.  23.  s Table  VII,  nos.  24-46. 


104 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Fig.  92.  Rome:  sarcophagus. 

Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 

down  his  back  (Fig.  92).  There  are  three  exceptions  to  this  rule  in  which 
he  holds  the  bed  endwise  on  the  ground  before  him.9 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  book  covers10  is  of  the  Hellenistic  type  (Fig.  93). 
The  paralytic,  facing  Christ  and  a disciple,  stands  holding  his  bed  upside 
down  on  his  shoulders.  The  presence  of  this  form  of  the  scene  in  Provence 
confirms  the  eclectic  character  of  these  ivories,  which  were  done  under  the 
combined  influence  of  the  Hellenistic  art  of  the  West  emanating  from 
Rome  and  the  Eastern  influences  introduced  by  Syrians  and  other 
Orientals. 

The  East. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Byzantine  type  the  Eastern  representations 
are  simply  a continuation,  with  certain  not  too  well  defined  variations, 
of  the  Hellenistic  form. 

The  Oriental-H ellenistic  group  represents  a continuation  in  Oriental 
art  of  the  Hellenistic  method  of  depicting  the  miracle.  The  fact  that  one 
of  its  examples  came  from  Syria  and  another  presumably  from  Alexandria 
confirms  the  general  character  of  the  Hellenistic  types  and  indicates 
an  Eastern  origin.  The  scene  in  the  Rabula  Gospels11  reverts  to  the  cata- 
comb method  of  depicting  the  paralytic  carrying  his  bed  upside  down  on 
his  shoulders.  On  a pyxis  of  Bologna12  is  a representation  which  is  similar 

9 Table  VII,  nos.  27,  32,  46.  10  Table  VII,  no.  47. 

11  Table  VII,  no.  48.  12  Table  VII,  no.  49. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


105 

to  the  scenes  on  the  sarcophagi;  save  that  the  paralytic  is  as  large  as  Christ. 
This  pyxis,  from  its  similarity  to  the  fine  Alexandrian  pyxis  in  the  Berlin 
Museum13  and  to  an  Alexandrian  bone  carving  in  the  same  museum,  is 
ascribed  to  Alexandria.14  Much  the  same  representation  also  occurs  on 
a pyxis  from  Darmstadt.15  This  continuation  of  the  Hellenistic  type  ap- 


Fig.  93.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 

covers.  Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 


pears  on  the  ciborium  columns  at  San  Marco,16  in  one  of  the  mosaics  of 
_Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo,17  and  on  an  encolpium  of  the  sixth  or  seventh  cen- 
tury at  Constantinople.18 

The  Alexandrian-C optic  group  represents  the  paralytic  holding  tight 
against  his  body  the  two  front  legs  of  the  bed,  of  which  only  the  front 
end  shows,  and  looking  back  at  the  Saviour.  This  manner  of  depicting  the 
scene  occurs  on  the  Etschmiadzin  book  cover,19  an  ivory  book  cover  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris20  (Fig.  94)  and  an  ivory  in  the  Micheli 
Collection  at  Paris,21  all  of  which  follow  the  iconography  of  the  Max- 
imianus  chair  and  in  other  scenes  fall  into  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  group. 

The  scene  on  the  Carolingian  book  cover  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at 
Oxford  (see  Fig.  169),  instead  of  following  the  iconography  of  the  Milan 
book  covers  as  in  many  other  scenes,  preserves  in  this  case  the  rendering 
of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  monuments.22  It  depicts  the  paralytic  holding 
his  bed  in  a frontal  position.  In  the  scene  of  the  Miracle  of  Cana23  this 

^ oge,  Elfenbeinwerke  (Cat.  Kaiser-Friedrich  Museum),  1902,  no.  I. 

4Y\ulft,  Altchristliche  Bildwerke  (Cat.  Kaiser-Friedrich  Museum),  no.  428;  Dalton, 
Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  195. 

1' Table  VII,  no.  50.  16  Table  VII,  no.  51.  17  Table  VII,  no.  52. 

19  Table  VII,  no.  54.  19  Table  VII,  no.  55.  20  Table  VII,  no.  5 7. 

21  Table  VII,  no.  56.  22  Table  V II,  no.  58.  23  See  p.  92. 


io6 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


ivory  also  followed  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  and  in  the  representation 
of  Christ  trampling  on  the  four  beasts  the  Bodleian  cover,  as  we  shall  see 
later,  presents  a type  which  was  transmitted  into  Carolingian  art  from 
Alexandria24 ; it  is  not  surprising  therefore  to  find  here  an  Egyptian  version 
of  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 

The  Coptic  type  wherein  the  paralytic  is  represented  in  profie  look- 


Fig.  94.  Paris  : Bibl.  Nat.,  ivory  book 
cover.  Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 

ing  back  at  Christ,  who  carries  in  His  hand  the  Coptic  cross,  occurs  on 
the  Murano  book  cover  at  Ravenna25  (Fig.  95)  and  on  four  pyxides  in 
the  Youlgrave,20  Vatican,27  Cluny,28  and  Basilewsky29  collections.  In  the 
case  of  this  group  it  is  true  that  there  are  no  examples  to  show  a 
Palestinian  origin  or  continuation  of  the  type,  and  yet  on  the  table  I have 
characterized  the  type,  for  consistency,  as  Palestinian-C optic.  This  dis- 
tinguishes the  type  from  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  and  is  consistent  with 
the  general  trend  of  the  iconography  of  the  monuments  on  which  this 
variant  occurs,  for  the  Murano  cover,  and  the  group  it  represents,  show 
in  other  scenes  the  influence  of  Palestinian  iconography. 

The  Byzantine  group  presents  the  amplified  or  historical  composition 
in  which  the  paralytic  on  his  bed  is  lowered  through  the  roof  of  a house. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  in  this  group  it  is  the  miracle  of  Capernaum,  as 
related  in  Mark  and  Luke,  that  the  artists  are  depicting,  for  at  the  pool 
of  Bethesda  there  is  no  mention  of  a house  in  the  account  of  John. 

24  See  p.  146  sq.  25  Table  VII,  no.  59.  26  Table  VII,  no.  60. 

27  Table  VII,  no.  61.  28  Table  VII,  no.  62.  20  Table  VII,  no.  63. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


107 


Fig.  95.  Ravenna  : Museum,  ivory  book 

COVER  FROM  MURANO.  HEALING  OF  THE  PARA- 
LYTIC. 

Curiously  enough  there  are  two  representations  of  the  Healing  of  the 
Paralytic  among  the  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo,  of  which  one  is 
Hellenistic  and  the  other  is  the  earliest  example  of  this  amplified  render- 
ing.30 Judging  from  most  of  the  Byzantine  types,  this  form  of  the  scene 
must  have  originated  in  some  proto-Byzantine  monuments  like  the  Rossano 
Gospels  and  have  first  been  formulated  in  Asia  Minor.  This  assumption 


Fig.  96.  Rome  : S.  Saba,  fresco.  Healing 
of  the  Paralytic. 


is  borne  out  by  the  appearance  of  the  type  in  the  eighth  century  in  the 
very  Byzantine  frescoes  of  the  basilica  of  S.  Saba  on  the  Aventine31 
fFig.  96). 

In  the  ninth  century  this  form  appears  in  the  miniatures  of  the  Homilies 
30  Table  VII,  no.  64. 


31  Table  VII,  no.  65. 


io8 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  (Bibl.  Nat.,  gr.  510,  Paris).32  The  eleventh  cen- 
tury example  in  the  Greek  Gospels  no.  74,  Bibliotheque  Nationale33  (Fig. 
97),  shows  essentially  the  same  type,  although  more  stylized  and  narrative 
in  the  rendering.  As  in  the  case  of  other  Byzantine  types,  it  passed  into 


Fig.  9 7.  Paris  : Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  74. 

Healing  of  the  Paralytic. 

Ottoman  art  where  it  occurs  among  the  manuscript  illuminations34  and 
in  later  centuries  became  the  usual  composition  employed  in  Italo-Byzan- 
tine art. 


XIII 

THE  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus,  from  its  intimate  relation  with  the  Christian 
hope  of  spiritual  salvation  in  the  life  hereafter,  was  from  the  earliest  days 
of  Christian  art  the  most  popular  and  frequently  represented  of  Christ’s 
miracles.  Inasmuch  as  the  methods  of  figuring  the  scene  in  the  vari- 
ous art  centres  of  the  Mediterranean  world  were,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Byzantine  type,  based  on  a general  Hellenistic  form  and  differed 
only  in  details,  the  examples  divide  more  into  groups  than  into  types. 
The  groups  or  types,  whichever  they  may  be,  are  the  Hellenistic,  the 
Oriental-Hellenistic,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  the  “Coptic,”  and  the  Byzan- 
tine. The  Hellenistic  type,  appearing  on  Western  monuments,  sub-divides 
into  five  variants  of  the  general  type.  With  exceptions  in  the  first  and 
fifth  variants,  the  uniform  characteristics  of  the  Hellenistic  type  show 
Christ  touching  with  His  wand  the  figure  of  Lazarus  who,  wrapped  like 
a mummy  with  his  head  covered  with  a cloth,  stands  in  the  doorway  of 
a little  gabled  aedicula  set  upon  a podium.  The  sub-groups  are  charac- 
32  Table  VII,  no.  66.  33  Table  VII,  no.  68.  34  Table  VII,  no.  67. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  109 

terized  as  follows : In  Group  I,  composed  of  the  earliest  examples  of  the 
scene,  Lazarus  sometimes  lies  on  the  steps  of  the  aedicula  and  is  seldom 
represented  as  a mummy;  Group  II  presents  only  the  uniform  character- 
istics of  the  Hellenistic  type  as  a whole;  in  Group  III  one  of  the  sisters 
of  Lazarus,  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  Christ,  is  added  to  the  composition; 
Group  IV  introduces  the  second  sister  standing  at  the  side  of  the  Saviour; 
Group  V is  a unique  and  highly  symbolic  type  appearing  only  on  the 
“Roman  glass,”  where  Lazarus,  wrapped  like  a mummy  with  his  head  bare, 
leans  against  a kind  of  foliate  growth.  The  Oriental-Hellenistic  group, 
composed  of  Eastern  examples  of  the  foregoing  type,  shows  in  its  principal 
minor  division  a Syro- Anatolian  rendering  wherein  the  tomb  is  represented 
in  frontality  as  an  arch  supported  on  two  columns.  The  Alexandrian-Coptic 
continues  the  Hellenistic  type  with  the  gabled  aedicula  in  which  Lazarus 
stands  as  a mummy  with  his  head  covered,  but  on  the  Coptic  monu- 
ments Christ  carries  a cross  instead  of  the  traditional  wand.  A later 
Coptic  group  depicts  the  tomb  in  strict  frontality  with  a faqade  which 
has  a kind  of  mansard  roof,  Lazarus  with  his  head  bare,  and  Christ 
carrying  the  Coptic  cross.  The  developed  Byzantine  type  shows,  with 
certain  variations,  Christ,  followed  by  disciples  and  spectators  and  with 
Mary  and  Martha  lying  prostrate  at  His  feet,  commanding  Lazarus  to 
come  forth  from  the  sepulchre  or  rock  hewn  tomb;  servants  are  represented 
either  holding  back  the  entrance  slab  of  the  tomb  or  unwinding  the  swathed 
Lazarus,  and  they  often  hold  their  noses  at  the  stench  arising  from  the 
sepulchre. 

THE  HELLENISTIC  TYPE 

That  the  local  methods  of  representing  the  scene  throughout  the  Med- 
iterranean, with  the  exception  of  the  proto-Byzantine  in  Asia  Minor,  vary 
from  a general  type  only  in  slight  details  may  perhaps  be  explained  by 
the  highly  developed  and  universally  accepted  symbolical  character  of  the 
scene  and  the  fact  that  only  the  Evangelist  John  relates  the  event.1  Typify- 
ing the  resurrection  of  the  body,  it  stood  in  the  Christian  mind  as  the 
guarantee  of  immortality. 

The  Hellenistic  manner  of  representation,  appearing  first  in  the  cata- 
combs of  the  West,  must  have  begun  as  a memory  picture  brought  to 
Rome  from  the  Hellenistic  centres  of  the  Orient  by  those  Eastern  Chris- 


1 John,  xi. 


1 10 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


tians  who  first  spread  the  new  faith  in  the  cities  along  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean.2  In  accordance  with  the  usage  of  the  Jews,  who  adopted 
embalming  from  the  Egyptians,  and  also  with  the  account  of  John  (xi,  44) 
the  Western  artists  figured  Lazarus  as  a little  mummy  “bound  hand  and 
foot  with  grave  clothes;  and  his  head  hound  about  by  a napkin.”  Quite 
the  opposite  result  took  place  in  regard  to  the  sepulchre;  while  the  cus- 
tomary burial  of  Judea  was  in  rock  hewn  tombs  and  the  words  of  the 
* 

Evangelist  say  that  “it  was  a cave,  and  a stone  lay  upon  it,”  nearly  all 
the  representations  of  the  first  six  centuries,  either  from  the  technical 
difficulties  of  depicting  a cave  or,  as  is  more  likely,  from  the  influence  of 
the  temple  tomb  widely  used  in  Hellenistic  times,  represent  the  sepulchre 
in  the  form  of  an  aedicula. 

Group  I,  in  the  Hellenistic  division,  includes  the  early  second  century 
frescoes  in  the  Roman  catacombs3  and  two  pieces  of  decorated  glass.4 
The  iconography  of  the  scene  on  these  examples  is  unsettled  and  appears 
to  antedate  the  establishment  of  any  type.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus  in 
the  catacomb  of  Priscilla,  which  dates  in  the  first  half  of  the  second  cen- 
tury,5 is  unique  in  treatment.  In  the  doorway  of  a regular  gabled  aedicula 
Lazarus,  swathed  in  grave  clothes  like  a mummy,  lies  diagonally  across 
the  door.  At  a little  distance  from  the  tomb  stand  two  figures,  one  of 
whom  is  undoubtedly  a woman.  Wilpert  says  that  in  this  first  representa- 
tion of  the  scene  Christ  is  not  figured  at  all  but  that  the  male  person  is 
the  resurrected  Lazarus.  His  reason  for  refusing  to  identify  the  man 
with  Christ  is  the  familiar  gesture  of  the  woman  who  lays  her  hand  upon 
his  shoulder.  This  attitude  seems  to  indicate  the  personages  as  Lazarus 
and  his  sister.  Another  reason  given  by  Wilpert  for  interpreting  the  figure 
as  Lazarus  is  his  white  raiment  and  the  fact  that  he  holds  his  arms  crossed 
over  his  breast  and  looks  back  at  the  aedicula  “mit  grossen  Augen.”6  The 
double  representation  of  Lazarus  is  consistent  with  the  date.  In  a badly 
damaged  fresco  of  the  second  century  in  Praetextatus  appears  the  lower 
half  of  two  figures  standing  before  a tomb,  who  are  usually  interpreted 
to  be  Christ  and  one  of  the  sisters  of  Lazarus.7  In  two  frescoes  in  Callix- 


2 Ainaloff,  The  Hellenistic  Origins  of  Byzantine  Art,  1900  (Russian). 

3 Table  VIII,  nos.  1-4,  6.  4 Table  VIII,  nos.  5,  7.  5 Table  VIII,  no.  1. 

6 Wilpert,  Fractio  Panis,  p.  4;  Lamberton,  St.  John’s  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb 

Painting,  p.  27. 

7 Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  28,  note  33. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


in 


tus  (Fig.  98),  a fresco  in  the  Lateran  Museum,  and  on  a glass  dish  from 
Podgoritza.  Lazarus  is  not  depicted  as  a mummy.  A less  curious  example 
occurs  on  a piece  of  ‘‘Roman  glass,”  included  in  the  same  group,  where 
Lazarus,  wrapped  like  a mummy,  lies  on  the  steps  of  the  aedicula. 

Group  II,  which  represents  the  simplest  and  most  characteristic  render- 
ing of  the  Hellenistic  type,  shows  Christ,  clothed  in  classical  garb,  touch- 
ing with  His  hand  the  mummylike  figure  of  Lazarus,  who  stands  with 
his  head  veiled  in  a napkin  in  the  door  of  an  aedicula  resembling  a Roman 


Fig.  98.  Rome  : Catacomb  of  Callixtus, 
fresco.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 

temple.8  The  aedicula,  set  upon  a podium,  is  approached  by  a flight  of 
steps  leading  up  to  the  entrance  which  is  usually  flanked  by  two  Corinthian 
columns.  While  Christ  generally  touches  Lazarus  with  His  wand,  the 
wand  is  sometimes  omitted  and  the  Saviour  simply  raises  His  hand  in  an 
attitude  of  command.9 10  The  rendering  of  Group  II  occurs  in  the  third 
century  catacomb  frescoes  seven  times  and  in  those  of  the  fourth  century 
forty-one  times.  It  also  appears  on  sarcophagi  of  Arles19  and  Rome.11 

Group  III  in  the  Hellenistic  division  is  peculiar  to  the  sarcophagi  of 


8 Table  VIII,  nos.  8-65;  the  table  gives  only  the  characteristic  examples  as  all  the 
others  are  the  same.  Of  the  third  century  frescoes  there  are  seven  examples  (Wilpert, 
Le  Pitture,  pis.  55,  45/1,  65/2,  71/1,  93,  108/2,  and  De  Rossi,  Bull.,  1873,  pi.  1).  In  the 
fourth  century  frescoes  there  are  forty  examples  which  are  listed  by  Lamberton,  of.  cit., 
p.  105,  note  142. 

s Table  VIII,  no.  61;  W ilpert,  Le  Pitture,  pi.  228/4. 

10  Table  VIII,  nos.  59-60. 

11  Table  VIII,  nos.  62-64.  Two  other  scenes  on  the  sarcophagi  are  often  listed  as 
Resurrections  of  Lazarus.  That  these  scenes  do  not  depict  the  resurrection,  but  repre- 
sent other  miracles,  is  shown  by  a sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran  Museum  at  Rome 
(Garr.,  of.  cit.,  V,  pi.  367/1)  where  all  three  scenes  are  carved  on  the  same  face  of  the 
sarcophagus.  The  scenes  on  this  sarcophagus  are  divided  into  two  rows ; in  the 
left  hand  corner  of  the  upper  row  Christ  is  represented  touching  with  His  wand  the 
figure  of  Lazarus  who  stands,  wrapped  like  a mummy,  in  the  doorway  of  an  aedicula. 
In  the  same  row  appears  the  miracle  of  the  Raising  of  the  Son  of  the  Widow  of  Nain 


II 2 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  West12  and  the  Milan  book  covers 13  (Fig.  99).  Here  one  of  the  sisters 
of  Lazarus,  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  Christ,  is  introduced  into  the  composi- 


covers.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 

tion.  The  account  in  the  Gospel  of  John  (xi,  32)  reads,  “Then  when 
Mary  was  come  where  Jesus  was,  and  saw  him,  she  fell  down  at  his  feet, 
saying  unto  him,  Lord,  if  thou  hadst  been  here,  my  brother  had  not  died.” 
It  is  to  be  presumed,  then,  that  the  prostrate  figure  represents  the  sorrow- 
ing Mary.  This  single  figure  does  not  appear  on  Eastern  examples  but 
characterizes  the  scene  on  most  of  the  Roman  sarcophagi  and  on  several 
of  Gaul. 

The  appearance  of  this  scene  on  the  ivory  book  covers  of  Milan  is 
important,  for  the  same  rendering  of  the  scene  is  found  on  several  sar- 
cophagi of  southern  Gaul14  (Fig.  100).  All  the  features  of  the  scene  are 
identical  with  those  on  the  Provencal  sarcophagi,  even  to  the  single  disciple 

wherein  Christ,  by  the  miraculous  touch  of  His  wand,  brings  into  a sitting  position 
a little  mummy  that  lies  at  His  feet.  In  the  right  hand  corner  of  the  lower  row  occurs 
the  Raising  of  the  Daughter  of  Jairus,  a scene  where  Christ  places  His  hand  on  the 
head  of  a little  girlish  figure  who  is  seated  on  a bed  behind  which  stand  two  figures 
watching  the  miracle.  This  last  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Jairus’s  Daughter  usually  has 
the  figure  of  the  mother  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  Christ  as  is  seen  on  another  sarcophagus 
in  the  Lateran  (Garr.,  pi.  376/4)  ; in  this  representation  the  bed  with  the  dolphins  on 
the  head  piece  exactly  duplicates  the  bed  on  the  other  sarcophagus  and  is  the  regular 
type  of  the  bed  in  this  scene  on  all  the  examples.  Another  scene  of  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead  is  the  Awakening  of  Tabitha  by  Peter  which  is  depicted  on  a sarcophagus 
of  Arles  (Garr.,  pi.  400/8)  and  on  a sarcophagus  of  St.  Maximin  (Garr.,  pi.  353/2). 

12  Table  VIII,  Group  3.  The  same  type  also  occurs  on  the  fifth  century  (?)  silver 
casket  of  Brivio,  now  in  the  Louvre  (Lauer,  Mon.  Plot,  1906,  XIII,  pi.  XIX).  Unlike 
the  scene  on  any  of  the  sarcophagi,  Christ  on  the  casket  wears  a nimbus  and  the  tomb, 
while  it  has  a lintel,  is  surmounted  by  a semi-circular  pediment. 

13  Table  VIII,  no.  92.  14  Table  VIII,  nos.  66,  67,  71,  89,  90. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  113 

who  follows  Christ  as  a witness  of  the  miracle.  This  occurrence  of  the 
same  scene  on  the  Gallic  sarcophagi  sustains  the  connection  of  the  covers 
with  Provence  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  use  on  the  ivory  of  the  distinctively 
Western  method  in  depicting  the  scene  precludes  an  Oriental  origin. 

Group  IV,  wherein  Martha  stands  at  the  side  of  the  Saviour,  contains 


Fig.  ioo.  Aix:  sarcophagus.  The  Rais- 
ing of  Lazarus. 

very  few  examples  (Fig.  101).  From  the  statement  in  the  Gospels  which 
says  that  Martha  when  she  heard  that  Jesus  was  coming  “went  and  met 
him,”  this  standing  figure  may  be  interpreted  to  represent  the  older  sister 
of  Lazarus.  The  assumption  is  in  part  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the 
standing  figure,  which  I would  interpret  as  Martha,  occurs  on  four  sar- 
cophagi whereon  the  kneeling  figure  of  Mary  is  also  represented.  Two 
of  these  sarcophagi  are  at  Rome,15  one  is  in  Arles,16  and  the  other  from 
Auch.17  The  standing  figure  of  Martha  appears  also  on  a sarcophagus 
of  Clermont-Ferrand18  and  on  an  ivory  pyxis  of  Darmstadt,19  where  in 
a suspiciously  curious  scene  Lazarus,  dressed  in  a tunic,  kneels  in  the 
open  doorway  of  a tomb  with  a conch  roof. 

Group  V presents  an  odd  method  of  representing  the  scene  on  the  so- 
called  “Roman  glass.”20  Instead  of  being  depicted  in  an  aedicula,  Lazarus 
on  these  bits  of  glass  is  shown  wrapped  like  a mummy  and  with  his  head 
hare,  leaning  against  a kind  of  foliate  growth  whose  calligraphic  scrolls, 
arranged  in  a row  symmetrically  on  either  side,  appear  to  frame  his  body. 
Christ,  like  a magician,  touches  his  body  with  a conjuror’s  wand  (see 

15  Table  VIII,  nos.  97-98.  ir’  Table  VIII,  no.  95. 

17  Table  VIII,  no.  96.  J8  Table  VIII,  no.  93. 

19  Table  VIII,  no.  94-  29  Table  VIII,  Group  5. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


114 

Fig.  74).  We  cannot  say  whether  or  not  this  was  an  early  manner  of 
representing  the  scene  before  any  type  had  been  established,  for  the  date 
and  even  the  provenience  of  the  “Roman  glass”  are  matters  of  speculation. 
The  feature  of  Lazarus  with  his  head  bare,  which  is  in  direct  contradiction 
of  the  Gospel  account  and  the  accepted  method  of  depicting  him,  will 
appear  later  on  a group  of  Coptic  ivories  and  on  the  Brescia  casket.  The 


Fig.  ioi.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  The  Rais- 
ing of  Lazarus. 

casket  is  supposed  by  Strzygowski  to  have  come  from  Asia  Minor  and 
the  Coptic  ivories  represent  the  native  Egyptian  method,  seen  on  the 
Fayum  portrait  mummies,  of  painting  or  carving  an  uncovered  head  of 
the  deceased  on  the  top  of  the  mummy.  In  view  of  this  it  may  be  possible 
that  the  Roman  glass  was  imported  from  an  Eastern  centre. 

The  East 

The  Oriental-Hellemstic  group  does  not  represent  any  new  type,  but 
only  includes  under  three  heads  the  variations  of  the  Hellenistic  method 
of  representing  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  occurring  on  monuments  of  un- 
questionably Oriental  origin.  The  Hellenistic  types  of  the  early  Christian 
scenes,  as  I have  already  said,  must  many  of  them  have  come  from  Hel- 
lenistic centres  of  the  East.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising  to  find  the 
early  types  continued  on  the  later  monuments  of  the  East.  The  Alexan- 
drian origin,  which  Ainaloff  suggests21  for  the  Hellenistic  rendering  of 
the  scene,  is  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  the  catacomb  form  on  a monu- 
ment which  in  other  scenes  shows  Alexandrian-Coptic  iconography, 
namely,  the  Bologna  ivory. 


21  Ainaloff,  op.  cit. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


ii5 

Group  YI  in  the  Hellenistic-Oriental  division  includes  a single  monu- 
ment, the  Brescia  casket,22  which  dates  from  the  fifth  century  and  which 
Strzygowski  has  attributed  to  Asia  Minor.23  The  only  unique  feature  is 
the  bare  head  of  Lazarus.  Otherwise  the  scene  is  the  same  as  the  regular 
catacomb  type. 

In  Group  VII  of  this  same  class,  which  can  be  broadly  assigned  to 
the  Syr 0- Anatolian  region,  we  find,  instead  of  the  regular  gabled  aedicula 
seen  in  the  frescoes  and  on  sarcophagi,  a tomb  of  which  only  the  fagade, 
which  is  an  arch  supported  on  two  columns,  is  represented  in  strict  frontal- 
ity.  This  type  of  tomb  first  occurs  on  a relief  recently  discovered  in 
Phrygia  (Lig.  102)  and  dated  by  Ebersolt  in  the  fourth  century.24  The 
same  type  also  appears  on  two  sarcophagi25  of  S.  Vitale  at  Ravenna 
which  Diitschke  dates  in  the  fourth  century  (Pig.  103).  It  is  to  be  noted 


Fig.  102.  Constantinople:  Imp.  Ottoman 
Museum,  relief  from  Phrygia.  The  Rais- 
ing of  Lazarus. 

that  the  tomb  of  Lazarus  on  these  three  examples  resembles  the  end  of 
the  sarcophagi  with  semi-cylindrical  covers  at  Ravenna. 

Although  the  Phrygian  relief  would  suggest  that  the  tomb  of  Lazarus 
with  a round  arched  entrance  was  primarily  an  Asia  Minor  method 
of  representing  the  scene,  the  fact  remains  that  it  was  in  northern  Syria 
rather  than  in  Asia  Minor  that  the  arched  entrance  was  frequently  used 
for  the  fagades  of  tombs  and  sepulchres.  In  many  places  of  northern 
Syria  there  are  remains  of  Christian  tombs  which  are  either  actually  barrel 
vaulted20  or  have  barrel  vaulted  porticoes  entered  by  arched  doorways,27 

22  Table  \ III,  no.  106.  23  Strzygowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  213. 

24  Ebersolt,  Revue  archeologique,  IV,  XXI,  1913,  pp.  333-339,  fig.  3. 

2j  Table  \ III,  nos.  108-109;  Diitschke,  Ravennatische  Studien,  Leipzig,  1909,  p.  228. 

25  Catalogue  of  Photographs  taken  by  the  American  Archaeological  Expedition  to 
Syria  in  1899-1900,  Princeton,  X.  J.,  nos.  365,  323,  238,  244  243. 

-•  H.  C.  Butler,  Architecture  and  Other  Arts,  pp.  106,  109,  no,  158,  243,  300. 


ii6  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

while  the  use  of  the  arch  is  one  of  the  noticeable  features  of  the  Christian 
architecture.  The  arch  and  the  barrel  vault,  if  not  so  common  in  the  free 
standing  tombs  of  Anatolia,  were  constantly  employed  in  the  general  archi- 
tecture of  the  country28  and  in  Phrygia  there  have  been  found  many  re- 
liefs29 which  show  the  arcuated  faqade  rendered  frontally  in  much  the 
same  manner  as  in  the  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  on  the  Phrygian 


Fig.  103.  Ravenna:  S.  Vitale,  sarcopha- 
gus of  the  Exarch  Isaac.  The  Raising  of 
Lazarus. 


relief.  The  type  of  tomb,  then,  on  the  Anatolian  relief  and  the  two 
Ravenna  sarcophagi,  while  it  seems  to  be  an  attempt  to  picture  the  faqade 
of  the  free  standing  Christian  tomb  of  northern  Syria  with  its  arcuated 
entrance,  can  not  surely  be  connected  with  any  definite  region  of  the  East. 
The  Eastern  decorative  elements  on  so  many  sarcophagi  of  Ravenna  and 
Provence  which  have  the  barrel  cover  instead  of  the  gabled  lid,  and  the 
generally  admitted  relations  of  these  centres  with  the  East,  sustain  the 
connection  of  this  type  with  the  general  region  of  Syro-Anatolia.  The 
connection  with  the  East  is  borne  out  by  some  fragments  of  a white 
marble  vase  found  at  Sbeitla  (Tunisie).  The  Raising  of  Lazarus  on  one 
of  these  fragments  is  practically  identical  with  that  of  the  Phrygian  relief 
above  mentioned.  Both  reliefs  belong  to  a class  of  objects  evidently  de- 
signed for  liturgical  use,  examples  of  which  have  been  found  in  Bulgaria, 
Greece,  Egypt,  and  Cyprus.  Their  community  of  style,  ornament,  and 

28  Ramsay  and  Bell,  Thousand  and  One  Churches,  p.  435  sq. 

29  Ramsay,  The  History  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Provinces,  figs.  6-e,  20,  21,  22-a,  22-b, 
29,  3i,  34- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


ii  7 


iconography  shows  that  all  came  from  the  same  manufactory,  and  from 
the  fact  that  they  have  been  found  mostly  in  the  East,  and  from  other 
indications,  it  is  now  held  that  they  are  of  Oriental  origin.30 

Group  VIII  of  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  examples  includes  only  the 
encolpium  in  the  Museum  of  Constantinople31  wherein  Christ,  wearing 
a nimbus,  is  represented  touching  with  His  wand  the  figure  of  Lazarus 
who,  wrapped  like  a mummy  and  with  his  head  covered  by  a napkin,  stands 
in  the  entrance  of  a tomb  which  looks  like  a miniature  apse. 

Another  Oriental-Hellenistic  example  of  the  scene  occurs  on  a relief 
at  Constantinople,32  which  is  dated  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  seventh 
century.  Here  the  swathed  Lazarus  with  his  head  covered  is  represented 
standing  in  strict  frontality  in  the  entrance  of  a gabled  (?)  faqade.  The 
custom  of  representing  either  buildings  or  figures  in  a restricted  frontality 
was  an  Oriental  characteristic  in  direct  contrast  to  the  freer  Hellenistic 
method  of  depicting  them  in  perspective.  Thus  in  the  case  of  this  relief 
as  in  that  of  the  examples  of  Group  ATI  of  the  Oriental-Hellenistic 


Fig.  104.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  ivory  book 
covers.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 

division,  the  Eastern  feature  in  what  would  otherwise  be  a regular  Hel- 
lenistic rendering  is  the  frontality  of  Lazarus  and  the  tomb. 

Group  IX,  the  Alexandrian-C optic,  starts  as  usual  with  the  purely  Hel- 
lenistic form  of  the  scene.  It  changes  in  the  later  Coptic  examples,  as 
the  indigenous  characteristics  of  Coptic  art  affect  it,  only  to  the  extent 

0 Merlin  in  Bulletin  archeologique,  1913,  p.  clxxix,  sq.,  pi.  46.  This  group  of  objects 
has  been  given  detailed  treatment  by  Michon,  Bull,  des  antiquaires  de  France  1908, 
p.  268  sq. 

31  Table  VIII,  no.  hi. 

32  Munoz,  Nuovo  Bull,  di  arch,  crist.,  XII,  1906,  p.  113,  fig.  2. 


1 18 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


that  Christ  carries  the  Coptic  cross  and  the  tomb  becomes  a nondescript 
sepulchre  rendered  in  frontality.  The  first  example  occurs  on  the  Alex- 
andrian pyxis  at  Bologna.33  On  the  ivory  book  covers  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  at  Paris,34  which  in  iconography,  as  well  as  style,  follow  the 
Maximianus  chair  into  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  group,  essentially  the  same 
scene  appears.  While  obviously  derived  from  the  Hellenistic  form,  it  at 
the  same  time  shows  Christ  with  a cross  and  the  gabled  tomb  fagade  de- 
picted frontally  (big.  104).  In  this  last  feature  the  scene  is  transitional 
to  the  Coptic  type,  as  we  find  to  be  the  case  regarding  later  members  of 
the  Alexandrian-Coptic  group  in  other  scenes.  Aside  from  the  fact  that 


Fig.  105.  Cairo:  Museum,  ivory 
COMB  FROM  ANTINOE.  The  RAISING 
of  Lazarus. 


Fig.  106.  Paris  : Cluny  Museum, 
ivory  pyxis.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 


the  tomb  has  changed  to  a simple  sepulchre  of  no  particular  character  and 
represented  frontally,  the  scenes  on  the  Coptic  pyxis  at  Bonn35  and  the 
odd  ivory  in  the  Micheli  Collection  at  Paris36  are  the  same  as  the  scene 
on  the  covers. 

Group  X,  a Coptic  type,  is  distinguished  by  Lazarus,  his  head  bare, 
standing  in  the  entrance  of  a frontal  tomb  fagade  with  a broken  lintel  and 
by  Christ  carrying  a cross  instead  of  a wand.  On  a sixth  century  ivory 
comb37  from  the  excavations  at  Antinoe  (Fig.  105),  the  tomb,  of  which 
only  the  fagade  is  represented,  is  shown  as  two  spiral  fluted  columns  bear- 
ing a broken,  denticulated  lintel,  which  gives  the  impression  that  the  tomb 
had  a mansard  roof ; within  the  doorway  stands  the  swathed  figure  of 
Lazarus,  his  head  bare,  and  with  curly  wiglike  hair;  to  the  right  of  the 
tomb  is  Christ  with  the  same  wiglike  hair,  carrying  a cross  in  His  right 

33  Table  VIII,  no.  112.  34  Table  VIII,  no.  113.  35  Table  VIII,  no.  114. 

30  Table  VIII,  no.  115.  37  Table  VIII,  no.  117. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


119 

hand  and  a roll  in  His  left.  Four  other  Coptic  ivories  are  connected  in 
tvpe  with  this  comb  through  their  striking  similarity  in  nearly  every  detail 
of  the  composition;  a pyxis  in  the  Cluny  Museum  at  Paris38  (Fig.  106) , 
a pyxis  in  the  Basilewsky  Collection  at  Petrograd39  (Fig.  107),  a pyxis  in 


Fig.  107.  Petrograd  : Basilewsky  Collec- 
tion, ivory  pyxis.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 

the  Vatican40  (Fig.  108),  and  the  Murano  book  cover  at  Ravenna41  (Fig. 
109).  On  all  these  examples  is  the  same  odd  shaped  tomb,  Lazarus  with 
his  head  bare,  and  both  Christ  and  Lazarus  with  the  same  curly  wiglike 
hair  and  drill  holes  for  eyes;  with  the  exception  of  the  Basilewsky  pyxis, 
where  Christ  carries  only  a roll,  He  is  given  the  cross  as  the  symbol 
of  power.  The  similarity  of  the  scene  on  the  Cluny  pyxis  and  the  Antinoe 
comb  is  so  close  that  even  the  wrappings  of  Lazarus  make  the  same  con- 
ventional design.  There  occurs  on  a Coptic  textile  from  Akmim42  a repre- 
sentation in  which  Lazarus  is  also  depicted  with  his  head  bare  but  the 
tomb  and  Christ  are  not  characterized,  and  Lazarus  oddly  enough  appears 
to  wear  a nimbus.  Thus  we  have  a clear-cut  type  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus 
in  Egypt,  which  is  to  be  characterized  by  the  mansard  roofed  aedicula, 
Lazarus  with  his  head  bare,  the  cross  in  Christ’s  hand,  the  drill  holes  in 
the  eyes,  and  the  curly,  wiglike  hair. 

Besides  the  absolute  uniformity  of  the  scene  on  these  admittedly  Coptic 
ivories,  the  feature  of  Lazarus  with  his  head  bare  and  his  hair  short  and 

38  Table  VIII,  no.  120.  39  Table  VIII,  no.  119.  40  Table  VIII,  no.  121. 

41  Table  VIII,  no.  118.  42  Table  VIII,  no.  122. 


120 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


curly  may  be  associated  most  definitely  with  Egypt  through  the  Fayum 
mummy  portraits.  While  the  custom  throughout  the  history  of  Egypt 
was  to  depict  the  uncovered  head  of  the  deceased  at  the  top  of  the  mummy 
case,  during  the  late  Roman  occupation  of  the  country  it  became  the  cus- 


Fig.  108.  Rome:  Vatican,  ivory  Fig.  109.  Ravenna:  Museum,  ivory  book 
pyxis.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus.  cover  from  Murano.  The  Raising  of  La- 

zarus. 

tom  to  paint  a portrait  head  with  short  curly  hair  on  the  face  of  the 
mummy  cloths.43  The  resemblance  of  Lazarus  on  the  ivories,  even  to 
the  conventional  designs  of  the  mummy  wrappings,  to  these  portrait 
mummies,  is  convincing.44  The  odd  shape  of  the  tomb  on  the  ivories 
seems  to  have  no  apparent  connection  with  Egyptian  customs  of  burial, 
although  it  recalls  vaguely  an  Egyptian  mummy  case  set  upon  end. 

Group  XI-A,  the  Byzantine  type  in  the  characteristic  examples,  follows 
accurately  the  account  in  John  and  introduces  in  a narrative  composition 
all  the  characters  of  whom  the  Evangelist  speaks.  The  type  first  occurs 
in  the  Codex  Rossanensis45  (Fig.  no)  which  was  executed  somewhere 
in  Asia  Minor  during  the  sixth  century.  Within  a rock  hewn  tomb  is  seen 
the  swathed  body  of  Lazarus  supported  on  the  right  by  a servant;  Christ, 
bearded  and  clothed  with  a purple  tunic,  over  which  hangs  a gold  mantle, 
wears  a large  cruciform  nimbus;  at  the  feet  of  the  Saviour  the  two  sisters 

43  W.  Flinders  Petrie,  Portrait  Mummies  of  Kahun  and  Hawara,  publication  of  the 
British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Egypt,  1911.  A bare  headed  mummy,  represented  by 
a figurine  of  Christian  workmanship  from  a grave  at  Akmim,  shows  beyond  question 
that  it  was  the  custom  in  Coptic  times  to  depict  such  mummies  as  Lazarus  with  the 
head  bare  (Forrer,  Die  friihehristliehen  Altertliiimcr  aus  dem  Grdberfelde  von  Achmim- 
Panopolis,  pi.  XI II/ 17 ) . 

44  Petrie,  Roman  Portraits  and  Memphis  (IV),  1911,  pis.  XI,  XIII,  XIV. 

45  Table  VIII,  no.  123. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


121 


of  Lazarus.  Mary  and  Martha,  are  prostrate;  and  behind  Him,  to  right  and 
left,  are  groups  of  disciples  and  spectators.  This  same  type  appeared  among 
the  lost  mosaics  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  at  Constantinople, 


which  are  dated  by  Heisenberg  in  the  sixth  century  and  by  others  in  the 
ninth.46  While  certain  of  the  details  are  left  out  in  some  later  examples 
of  this  type  (Fig.  hi),  this  rendering  of  the  Rossano  Gospels  was  in  its 
essentials  faithfully  preserved  down  to  the  fifteenth  century  in  the  East,47 
and  imitated  in  the  Ottoman48  and  Italo-Byzantine  art46  of  the  West  where 
Byzantine  iconography  exerted  influence.  The  presence  of  this  type,  with 
the  two  sisters  omitted  from  the  composition,  on  the  ciborium  columns  of 
San  Marco  is  rather  hard  to  explain  in  view  of  the  date  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury which  is  usually  given  them.50 

Group  XI-B,  which  is  composed  of  Italo-Byzantine  monuments  and 
two  examples  from  Mt.  Athos  dating  from  the  twelfth  to  the  fifteenth 
centuries,  shows  Lazarus  with  a nimbus.51 

XIV 

THE  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM 

A scene  of  far  less  popularity  than  many  others,  the  Entry  into  Jerusa- 
lem is  not  only  frequent  on  the  monuments  of  early  Christian  art  but  also 

**’  See  p.  31,  note  74  47  Table  VIII,  nos.  127,  129,  130,  132,  and  Group  11-B. 

♦-Table  VIII,  no.  131.  4ft  Table  VIII,  nos.  126,  133-136. 

50  Table  V III,  no.  125.  51  Table  VIII,  Group  11-B. 


122 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


offers  few  marked  features  which  aid  in  dividing  the  differing  representa- 
tions into  particular  types  peculiar  to  definite  regions  and  centuries.  The 
large  division  of  East  and  West  may  be  distinguished  by  the  manner  in 
which  Christ  rides;  on  the  monuments  of  the  West  the  Saviour  is  always 
depicted  riding  astride,  while  on  those  of  the  East  He  is  invariably  shown 


Fig.  hi.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  510. 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus. 

seated  sidewise  on  the  ass.  The  actual  types  which  emerge  from  the  vari- 
ous representations  of  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem  are  the  Hellenistic  or 
Western  type,  the  Alexandrian-Coptic,  the  Palestinian-Coptic,  and  the 
Byzantine  type. 


THE  HELLENISTIC  TYPE 

The  dominant  and  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Hellenistic  type  is 
the  representation  of  Christ  riding  astride.  While  all  the  monuments 
of  this  type  are  Western  and  this  one  detail  of  the  scene  distinguishes1 
the  representations  of  the  East  from  those  of  the  West,  the  actual 
fashion  of  riding  astride  was  not  so  much  Western  as  it  was  Hellen- 
istic. The  Greek  rode  astride  his  horse  and  this  Hellenistic  method  of 
riding,  followed  by  the  Romans,  was  permanently  preserved  in  the  West. 
In  the  East,  however,  the  native  method  of  riding  sidewise  had  by  the 
sixth  century  so  far  supplanted  in  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt  the  older 

1 Strzygowski,  Bys.  Dcnk.,  I,  p.  38;  Heisenberg,  Grabeskirche  und  Apostelkirche , Leip- 
zig, 1908,  II,  p.  247;  Dobbert,  Jb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XV,  1894,  p.  149;  Dalton,  Byzantine 
Art  and  Archaeology,  1911,  p.  656;  Haseloff,  Codex  Purpnreus  Rossanensis,  p.  91  sq. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


123 

fashion  that  when  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem  began  to  figure  on  the  monu- 
ments of  the  Orient,  the  sidewise  position  was  used  for  the  figure  of  Christ.2 

Like  the  other  Hellenistic  scenes  which  originated  in  the  cities  of 
the  East,  were  transmitted  to  Rome,  and  became  Western  types,  the 


Fig.  1 12.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  Christ  en- 
tering Jerusalem. 


Hellenistc  Entry  into  Jerusalem  is  a mere  symbolical  abbreviation  of 
the  actual  event.  Only  the  actual  essentials  of  the  scene  are  figured : 
as  a rule  the  disciples  who  accompanied  Christ  are  reduced  to  one;  the 
city,  and  the  multitude  who  came  forth  bearing  palms,  are  omitted ; and 
the  whole  acclamation  of  Christ  as  King  of  the  Jews  is  symbolized  by 
the  single  figure  of  a youth  plucking  the  branches  in  the  top  of  a tree 
and  by  a man  who  spreads  his  mantle  beneath  the  feet  of  the  ass. 

Group  I.  The  Hellenistic  Type  with  Christ  riding  astride. 

On  the  monuments3  of  this  group,  which  are  all  sarcophagi  and  with 
one  exception  all  come  from  Rome,  Christ,  without  the  nimbus  or  any 
other  symbol  of  His  divinity,  rides  in  the  Hellenistic  fashion  (Fig.  112). 
Before  Him  a man  spreads  his  mantle,  and  behind  there  usually  follows 
a single  disciple,  although  in  three4  representations  the  disciple  is  omitted. 

2 The  Hellenistic  method  of  riding  was  preserved  in  scenes  of  actual  horsemanship: 
fresco  at  Bawit  (Diehl,  Manuel,  fig.  23),  wood  carving  from  Alexandria  (Diehl,  op.  cit., 
fig-  25),  Barberini  diptych  (Diehl,  fig.  141),  a sixth  century  silver  dish  from  Kertch 
fDiehl.  op.  cit.,  fig.  150)  and  a Coptic  textile  in  the  South  Kensington  Museum  (Dalton, 
op.  cit.,  fig.  46). 

3 Table  IX,  nos.  1-12. 


4 Table  IX,  nos.  9,  10,  11. 


124 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


All  the  scenes  show  the  youth  picking  branches  in  the  tree;  in  two5 
a few  figures  come  forward  with  palm  branches  to  meet  him;  and  on  two 
sarcophagi6  the  city  of  Jerusalem  is  represented. 

Group  II.  Provenqal  Group  of  the  Hellenistic  Type. 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  covers7  (Fig.  113)  connects  itself  with  the 
representations  of  the  Roman  sarcophagi  in  that  the  Saviour  rides  astride, 


but  is  even  more  abbreviated  and  symbolical.  Its  essential  difference  from 
the  scenes  on  the  Roman  sarcophagi  is  the  omission  of  the  youth  in  the 
tree. 

Group  III.  Manuscript  Continuation  of  the  Type  in  the  West. 

While  the  scene  in  the  Cambridge  Gospels,8  the  Sacramentarium  of 
Drogo,9  the  Codex  Egberti,10  and  the  Gospels  of  Bernward11  is  primarily 
a continuation  of  the  Hellenistic  type  in  that  the  Saviour  is  represented 
riding  astride,  it  is  also  a derivative  of  what  we  shall  see  is  the  more 
amplified  and  historical  Byzantine  type.  From  Constantinople  in  the 
ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  centuries  there  was  a steady  infiltration  into 
the  West,  and  especially  into  the  Ottoman  Empire,  of  Byzantine  decorative 
motifs  and  iconography.  The  more  narrative  representation  of  the  scene 
in  these  manuscripts,  in  which  the  disciples  are  increased  to  three  and  even 

5 Table  IX,  nos.  11,  12.  6 Table  IX,  nos.  8,  12.  7 Table  IX,  no.  15. 

8 Table  IX,  no.  16.  « Table  IX,  no.  17.  10  Table  IX,  no.  18. 

11  Table  IX,  no.  19. 


Fig.  1 13.  Milan:  Cathedral,  ivory  book 
covers.  Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


I25 


Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 

to  six  (Codex  Egberti),  and  the  number  of  people  with  palm  branches 
to  two,  four,  and  six,  and  in  which  the  city  is  always  represented,  is  ex- 
plained by  the  spread  of  the  Byzantine  type. 

The  East 

The  Eastern  types,  like  the  Hellenistic,  appear  to  have  had  only  the 
canonical  accounts  in  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and  John12  for  textual 
sources.  As  the  apparent  sources  were  the  same  and  as  the  slight  popu- 
larity of  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem  in  the  Orient  did  not  tend  to  create 
distinct  indigenous  forms,  the  Eastern  types,  save  for  the  Oriental  feature 
of  Christ  riding  sidewise,  preserve  quite  closely  the  features  of  the  older 
Hellenistic  rendering. 


12  Matt,  xxi;  Mark  xi ; Luke  xix;  John  xii. 


126 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Group  IV.  The  Alexandrian-C optic  Type  where  a carpet  instead  of  a 
mantle  is  spread  beneath  the  feet  of  the  ass. 

The  scenes  on  the  Maximianus  chair13  from  Alexandria  (Fig.  114), 
the  Etschmiadzin  book  covers,14  a sixth  century  ivory  cover  in  the  Biblio- 
theque  Nationale  at  Paris15  (Fig.  115),  and  a carved  lintel  at  el 


Fig.  1 15.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  ivory  book  covers.  Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 


Mu'allaka  near  Cairo16  (Fig.  116)  are  bound  into  a group  and  segre- 
gated from  the  other  representations  by  the  curious  feature  of  the  long 
carpet  which  is  unrolled,  instead  of  a mantle,  in  the  pathway  of  the 
Saviour.  These  representations  are  further  bound  together  by  other 


Fig.  1 16.  Cairo:  el  Mu’allaka,  carved  wooden  lintel.  Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 


similarities  in  composition,  by  the  odd,  high  stepping  movement  of  the 
ass,  and  by  Christ’s  posture  on  the  animal.  In  distinction  from  all  other 
examples  of  the  scene,  the  Christ  on  the  Maximianus  and  the  Etschmiadzin 
ivories  carries  in  His  hand  a cross.  This  cross  has  already  been  pointed 
out  as  the  emblem  of  divinity  which  the  Egyptian  artists  regularly 
gave  to  Christ.  The  Etschmiadzin  and  Paris  examples  are  more 
closely  related  by  the  introduction  of  a Tyche,  wearing  (Etschmiadzin)  a 
crenellated  crown,  who  comes  forth  as  the  personification  of  the  city  to 
meet  the  Saviour.  This  same  representation  of  Tyche,  with  her  turreted 
crown,  appears  among  the  miniatures  of  the  Joshua  Rotulus,17  the  original 
of  which,  according  to  Strzygowski,  was  executed  in  the  third  or  fourth 
century  by  a Greek  artist  living  in  Alexandria. 

13  Table  IX,  no.  20.  14  Table  IX,  no.  21.  15  Table  IX,  no.  22. 

10  Table  IX,  no.  23.  17  Garr,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  pi.  163. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


127 


The  connection  of  this  type  with  Egypt  is  sustained,  not  only  by  its 
appearance  on  the  Maximianus  chair,  and  by  the  presence  of  the  cross 
which  Christ  usually  carries  on  Egyptian  monuments,  but  also  by  its  occur- 
rence on  the  carved  wooden  lintel  of  the  church  of  el  Mu'allaka  near  Cairo 

Group  V.  Palestinian-C optic  Type. 

There  is  little  to  distinguish  this  type  from  the  regular  Hellenistic  type 
save  the  Saviour  riding  sidewise  on  the  ass.  I11  the  Rabula  Gospels18 
of  Syria  (Fig.  117)  the  Saviour,  mounted  sidewise,  is  followed  by  a single 


Fig.  117.  Florence:  Laurentiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 

disciple,  and  before  Him  a man  spreads  his  mantle  while  three  other  men 
come  forward  with  palm  branches.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  scene 
is  essentially  duplicated  on  the  ciborium  columns  of  San  Marco.19  With 
slight  variations  this  abbreviated  Eastern  type  occurs  in  a Coptic  textile 
from  Antinoe2"  and  on  a Coptic  seal  in  the  British  Museum;21  and  was  also 
continued  in  a mosaic  of  the  chapel  of  John  the  Seventh  at  Rome.22 

Group  VI.  The  Byzantine  Type. 

This  is  the  historical  type  which  faithfully  follows  the  Gospel  accounts 
18  Table  IX,  no.  24. 

Table  IX,  no.  25.  In  W ulff’s  Altcliristliche  Bildwerke  (Cat.  Kaiser-Friedrich  Mu- 
seum). I,  no.  72,  p.  33,  is  published  a stone  relief  from  near  Sohag  (Egypt)  ; on  it  is 
figured  .'hat  the  author  calls  an  Entry7  into  Jerusalem,  where  Christ  wearing  a cruciform 
nimbtu  rides  sidewise  while  one  nimbed  angel  leads  the  ass  and  another  follows. 

20  Table  IX,  no.  26.  21  Table  IX,  no.  27.  22  Table  IX,  no.  28. 


128 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


and  translates  into  pictorial  form  the  event  with  all  its  figures  as  related 
in  the  New  Testament.  Its  earliest  and  perhaps  first  appearance  is  in 
the  Codex  Rossanensis  from  Asia  Minor23  (Fig.  118).  In  this  minia- 
ture, Christ,  wearing  a cruciform  nimbus  and  followed  by  two  disciples, 
is  depicted  riding  sidewise;  two  boys  spread  a mantle  beneath  the  feet 
of  the  ass,  while  two  other  boys  climb  a tree,  or  are  perched  in  its 
branches;  a large  multitude  issues  forth  from  the  gates  of  the  city 


to  meet  the  Saviour.  From  the  windows  of  the  houses  within  the  walls 
people  look  out  upon  the  scene.  This  historical  type  of  the  Rossano 
Gospels  existed  in  a mosaic  on  the  walls  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Apostles  at  Constantinople.24 

In  the  ninth  century  we  see  the  Byzantine  type  fully  developed,  with 
all  twelve  apostles  represented,  in  the  Homilies25  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
at  Paris  (Bibl.  Nat.,  gr.  510),  (Fig.  119).  It  continues  on  the  Byzantine 
monuments,26  with  slight  variations  in  the  number  of  figures  included  in 
the  scene,  as  the  traditional  type.  As  evidence  of  the  spreading  of  the 
Byzantine  type  into  the  West,  we  find  it  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the 
frescoes  of  S.  Angelo  in  Formis.27  Its  influence  is  also  apparent  in  the 
Ottonian  manuscripts  (Group  III)  which,  although  they  adhere  to  the 
Hellenistic  tradition  in  representing  Christ  riding  astride,  show,  neverthe- 
less, an  amplified  and  historical  type  like  the  Byzantine. 

23  Table  IX,  no.  29.  24  See  note  74,  page  31.  25  Table  IX,  no.  30. 

20  Table  IX,  nos.  31,  32,  33,  34. 

27  Table  IX,  no.  35. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


I2Q 


Fig.  ng.  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.,  Ms.  gr.  510. 
Christ  entering  Jerusalem. 


XV 

THE  LAST  SUPPER 

The  actual  representation  of  the  Last  Supper  as  an  historical  event 
does  not  appear  in  Christian  art  until  a late  date.  While  it  is  necessary 
not  to  confuse  this  historical  Last  Supper  with  the  Eucharistic  repast,1 
so  common  in  the  catacombs,  there  also  developed,  besides  the  his- 
torical type,  a liturgical  type  which  was  derived  from  the  Eucharistic 
symbolism  of  the  Hellenistic  period.  This  liturgical  type,  which  repre- 
sents the  Last  Supper  as  a First  Communion,  shows  Christ  standing  and 
breaking  bread,  which,  with  the  wine,  He  distributes  to  His  apostles.  The 
historical  type  is  more  narrative  and  regularly  figures  Christ  and  His 
disciples  seated  on  the  bolster  of  a sigma  shaped  couch  about  a semi- 
circular table,  or  in  the  later  representations  at  a long  straight  table,  on 
which  is  set  the  bread  and  wine.  As  a rule  it  represents  the  particular 
moment  when  Judas  reaches  forward  to  dip  or  to  grasp  the  food  and  John 
affectionately  reclines  upon  the  breast  of  the  Saviour.  Besides  these 
two  types  there  was  a transitional  type,  formulated  in  the  West  about 
the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  in  which  an  actual  Last  Supper  is 
represented  with  Christ  and  the  apostles  seated  about  a table,  but  the 

1 Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’archeologie  chretienne  ct  de  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Cene,” 
col.  3046.  For  a discussion  of  the  Last  Supper  in  art  see:  Dobbert,  “Das  Abendmahl 
in  der  bildenden  Kunst  bis  gegen  den  Scbluss  des  14.  Jahrhunderts,”  Repertoriurn  fiir 
Kunstivissenschaft,  XIII  (1890),  pp.  281-292,  423-442;  XIV  (1891),  pp.  175-203,  451-462; 
X\  fi892),  pp.  357-384,  506-527;  XVIII  (1895),  pp.  336-379;  Heisenberg,  Grabeskirche 
uiid  A postelkirche,  p.  175;  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  658. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


130 

loaves  and  fishes,  after  the  early  catacomb  conception  of  their  Eucharistic 
significance,  are  substituted  in  place  of  the  bread  and  wine  of  the  historical 
event. 

It  is  this  transitional  type  which  appears  on  the  Milan  book  covers 
and  is  important  in  showing  the  Western  origin  of  the  ivories.  There- 
fore, in  order  that  the  transitional  character  and  especially  the  Western 
relation  of  the  type  may  be  understood,  it  is  necessary  to  give  a brief  out- 
line of  the  facts  concerning  the  history  of  the  Eucharist  in  early  Christian 
art.  The  different  theories  which  scholars  have  advanced  concerning  the 
Eucharist  and  the  readiness  with  which  the  subject  lends  itself  to  de- 
ductions make  it  dangerous  to  do  more  than  state  the  generally  accepted 
steps  in  the  formation  and  development  of  Eucharistic  symbolism.  From 
the  very  first  the  Multiplication  of  the  Loaves  and  Fishes,  after  the  inter- 
pretation in  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,2  was  considered  the  principal  symbol 
of  the  Eucharist.  This  is  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  the  baskets  of 


FRESCO. 


loaves,  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  miracle,  are  included  in  the  only 
representation  of  the  Lord's  Supper  which  occurs  in  the  catacombs  (Pris- 
cilla. second  century).3  The  miracle  itself  is  represented  by  a series  of 
catacomb  paintings  of  the  second  century  and  the  early  third  century  in 
which  seven  people  reclining  on  a couch  of  sigma  shape  partake  of  a 
meal  at  which  are  served  loaves  and  fishes,  while  in  the  foreground  of 
the  scenes  are  usually  figured  seven  baskets  of  bread.4  In  none  of  these 
representations  is  Christ  depicted.  By  the  first  half  of  the  second  century 
the  idea  of  feasting  was  no  longer  necessary  to  the  symbolism,  for  in  the 
crypts  of  Lucina  in  the  catacombs  of  Callixtus5  are  two  pictures  (Fig.  120) 
consisting  of  a fish  and  a single  basket  filled  with  loaves  while  elsewhere 

2 Lamberton,  St.  John’s  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting,  p.  79. 

3 Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  79.  4 Wilpert,  Fractio  Panis,  pis.  XIII-XIV. 

5 Wilpert,  Le  pittnre  dcllc  catacoinbc  romanc.  pis.  27/1,  28. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


CM 

in  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus  is  a fresco  in  which  a man  extends  his  hands 
in  blessing  over  a tripod  on  which  are  a fish  and  loaves ; before  him  stands 
a veiled  orant  raising  her  hands  in  prayer6  (Fig.  121).  There  are  other 
representations  in  which  the  scene  is  reduced  only  to  the  loaves  and  fishes. 
By  the  end  of  the  third  century  the  symbolism  had  been  even  more 


Fig.  121.  Rome:  Catacomb  of 
Callixtus,  fresco. 


abbreviated  and  the  multiplication  of  the  loaves  alone  had  come  to  stand 
for  the  Eucharist.  Thus  the  symbolism  was  narrowed  down  to  the  simple 
scene  of  Christ  touching  with  His  wand  the  seven  baskets  of  bread.  This 
scene  while  occurring  twenty-eight  times  in  the  catacombs7  during  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries  was  also  equally  common  on  the  Western  sarcophagi, 
although  in  these  sarcophagi  representations  the  number  of  baskets  is 
usually  reduced  to  six,  three,  or  even  one  (Fig.  122).  In  a fresco  of 
Callixtus  the  Eucharistic  symbolism  is  extended  by  the  addition  of  two 
disciples  who  present  the  bread  and  fish  to  Christ  for  His  blessing.8  This 
more  historical,  and  probably  less  symbolical,  rendering  of  the  multiplica- 
tion where  the  disciples  are  about  to  distribute  the  bread  and  fish  to  the 
multitude,  who  are  not  figured,  was  rare  in  the  catacombs  but  was  a most 
common  scene  on  the  Roman  sarcophagi  of  the  fourth  century  (Fig.  123). 
An  ample  and  interesting  rendering  of  this  Eucharistic  Multiplication  of 
the  Loaves  and  Fishes  is  seen  in  the  third  century  frescoes  of  the  cata- 
combs of  Alexandria  in  Egypt  (Fig.  124).  Christ  is  enthroned  between 
the  Apostles  Peter  and  Andrew,  who  advance  to  receive  His  blessing  on 

6Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  pi.  41/1. 

7 For  all  the  catacomb  examples  see  Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  p.  269  sq. 

9 Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  pi.  237/1,  p.  276. 


132 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Fig.  122.  Algiers  : Museum,  sarco- 
phagus. The  Miracle  of  Loaves  and 
Fishes. 

the  food  which  they  carry,  while  at  His  feet  twelve  baskets  of  bread  are 
divided  into  two  groups  of  six  each.  On  either  side  of  the  central  group 
are  scenes  of  feasting  which  probably  represent  the  Feeding  of  the  Multi- 
tude, although  the  inscriptions  IC  over  the  standing  figure  at  the  left  and 
H APIA  MAPIA  over  another  obliterated  figure  in  the  same  group, 
have  led  to  the  suggestion  that  the  scene  represents  the  Miracle  of  Cana 


Fig.  123.  Rome:  sarcophagus.  The 
Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes. 

with  both  Jesus  and  the  Virgin  present.  These  inscriptions,  however, 
over  the  group  at  the  left,  are  in  black  while  the  authentic  inscriptions  over 
the  two  other  groups  are  in  red,  and  probably  represent  a late  and  popular 
emendation  in  the  interpretation  of  the  scene.9  The  same  combination  of 
9 A curious  rendering  of  the  Miracle  with  Christ,  three  angels,  twelve  baskets,  and  the 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 33 


Fig.  124.  Alexandria:  Catacombs,  fresco.  The  Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes. 

the  Blessing  of  the  Elements  with  the  Feeding  of  the  Multitude  that  ap- 
pears in  the  Alexandrian  fresco  occurs  on  the  chair  of  Maximianus  (Fig. 
125)  whose  Alexandrian  origin  becomes  more  and  more  obvious  as  the 
different  types  on  the  famous  cathedra  are  studied.  Thus,  the  type  of  the 
Maximianus  chair  finds  a natural  continuation  in  the  group  of  Christ 
seated  and  blessing  the  bread  and  fish  offered  by  two  disciples,  on  a pyxis 
of  the  sixth  century  in  S.  Pedro  de  la  Rua  at  Estella,  Spain  (Photo.  Lau- 
rent, Madrid,  no.  916)  ; the  ivory  is  Alexandrian-Coptic  in  style  and  Christ 
carries  a Coptic  cross. 

Since  in  the  third  century  the  multiplication  of  the  loaves  without 
either  the  fish  or  the  wine  had  become  the  symbol  of  the  Eucharist,  it  is 
not  surprising  to  find  the  creation  of  a new  symbol  for  the  missing  ele- 
ment. the  wine;  the  Cana  Wedding,  therefore,  represented  by  Christ  touch- 
ing with  His  wand  the  jars  of  wine,  was  introduced  as  a new  and  additional 
type  of  the  Eucharist.10  By  the  fourth  century  the  natural  relationship 
of  the  two  themes  of  the  Multiplication  of  the  Loaves  and  the  Miracle  of 
the  Wine  is  seen  in  the  catacombs  of  SS.  Pietro  e Marcellino.11  Here 
the  two  scenes  occupy  opposite  end  spaces  in  the  vault  of  an  arcosolium 
and  in  the  lunette  of  the  same  arcosolium  Wilpert  restores  a scene  of 
feasting  in  which  seven  persons  at  a sigma  shaped  table  are  about  to  par- 
take of  a fish  on  a tripod  before  them  and  a servant  presents  to  one  a cup  of 
wine12  (Fig.  126).  In  all  these  scenes  of  feasting  where  the  Eucharistic 


four  Evangelists  is  to  be  found  on  a Coptic  relief  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  New 
\ork  (Morey:  East  Christian  Paintings  in  the  Freer  Collection,  p.  66). 

10  W ilpert,  op.  cit.,  p.  277 ; Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  89,  quotes  C.  R.  Morey  who  writes, 
“The  breaking  up  of  the  Eucharistic  symbolism  through  the  isolation  of  the  fish  as  a 
Christ  symbol  is,  it  seems  to  me,  the  reason  for  the  introduction  of  the  Cana  Wedding 
as  a new  and  distinctive  type  of  the  Eucharist.” 

11  Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  pi.  186/1. 

12  Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  92;  Wilpert,  op.  cit.,  p.  279,  fig.  25. 


134 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


meaning  is  apparent  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  any  of  them  symbolizes 
the  Last  Supper,  for  there  was  no  significance  in  the  Last  Supper  to  the 
early  Christians  save  as  it  symbolized  the  Eucharistic  Transubstantiation. 
“A  symbol  itself  is  but  an  outward  form  by  the  understanding  of  which 
one  appreciates  a hidden  significance.  Hence  it  would  be  useless  to  give 
a form  to  a form,  to  symbolize  a symbol.-’13 

The  transitional  type  of  the  Last  Supper  is  primarily  a representation 
of  the  Last  Supper  as  a symbol  of  the  Eucharist.  It  is  historical,  however, 


Fig.  125.  Ravenna  : Museum,  ivory  panels  from  chair  of  Maximianus. 
The  Miracle  of  Loaves  and  Fishes. 


to  the  extent  that  it  depicts  the  actual  repast  that  Jesus  held  with  His 
disciples  after  His  entry  into  Jerusalem.  It  is  frankly  symbolic  in  that 
it  retains  the  catacomb  symbolism  of  the  Multiplication  of  the  Loaves  and 
Fishes  and  instead  of  depicting  the  actual  repast  of  bread  and  wine  it  sub- 
stitutes, or  rather  retains,  the  fish  in  place  of  the  wine.  The  most  ap- 
parent example  of  this  type  is  found  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century 
in  the  mosaics  of  Sant-  Apollinare  Nuovo  (Fig.  127)  where  Christ  and 
His  disciples  recline  on  a raised  couch  of  sigma  shape  about  a semi- 
13  Lamberton,  op.  cit.,  p.  88. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


135 

circular  table.  Seated  at  the  left  end  of  the  table  is  the  Saviour  who  wears 
a cruciform  nimbus  and  stretches  forth  His  hand  to  bless  the  six  loaves 
and  the  two  fish  which  lie  upon  the  table. 

The  preservation  of  the  old  Eucharistic  symbolism  in  an  historical 
setting  is  clearly  intentional  on  the  part  of  the  artist  in  this  mosaic, 
and  intended  to  give  to  the  Last  Supper  a symbolic  interpretation. 
While  the  highly  developed  symbolism  of  the  Hellenistic  period  of 
Christian  art  was  breaking  down  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century  there  were  still  theologians  at  least  as  late  as  the  fifth  century 
who  were  expounding  the  Eucharistic  significance  of  the  Fish.14  The 
transitional  character  of  this  scene,  however,  lies  in  the  fact  that  the 


Fig.  126.  Rome  : Catacomb  of  SS.  Pietro 
e Marcellino,  fresco.  Eucharistic  Banquet. 


old  Eucharistic  repast  is  figured  in  the  guise  of  an  historical  event. 
There  is  a striking  similarity  in  the  mosaic,  especally  in  the  form 
of  couch  and  the  table,  whose  ends  -ftJrm  three  rectangular  panels 
across  the  bottom  of  the  composition,  with  the  historical  scene  of  the 
Last  Supper  in  the  Rossano  Gospels  (see  Fig.  1 3 1 ) . This  method 
of  representing  a banquet  scene  appears  to  have  been  more  or  less 
peculiar  to  Asia  Minor  in  the  sixth  century,  for  the  same  sigma  shaped 
couch  about  a semi-circular  table  occurs  in  the  Feast  of  Herod  in  the 
Sinope  Fragment.1'1  The  subsequent  Byzantine  type  as  it  first  appears 
in  the  sixth  century  in  the  proto-Byzantine  Gospels  of  Rossano  is 
primarily  an  historical  and  narrative  representation  of  the  actual 
event  without  particular  reference  to  its  Eucharistic  significance.  This 
narrative  tendency  in  Christian  art  was  an  Oriental  reaction  against 


4 Augustine  Chrysologus,  the  Pseudo-Prosper, 
C.  R.  Morey,  The  Princeton  Theological  Review, 
1 ' Diehl,  Manuel,  fig.  125. 


and  the  author  of  the  Narraiio; 
1911,  PP-  421,  424,  4 2C_4ju, 


see 


1 36 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


the  restrained,  simplified  and  highly  symbolic  methods  of  rendering  the 
Gospel  scenes  during  the  first  five  centuries  when  art,  as  well  as  thought, 
was  dominated  by  Neoplatonic  mysticism.  While  the  realistic  tendency 
was  the  result  of  indigenous  Eastern  influences,  it  naturally  also  appears 
in  such  centres  as  Ravenna  where  Oriental  forms  and  methods  met 
and  gradually  supplanted  the  Hellenistic  symbolic  types  current  in  the 
West;16  so  that  for  a time  there  existed  in  the  art  of  Ravenna  an  eclectic 
mingling  of  the  two  tendencies  which  resulted  in  transitional  types  wherein 
the  older  symbolism  was  presented  in  historical  settings.  From  this  fusion 


of  the  Hellenistic  symbolism  and  the  Oriental  realism  was  formed  a 
transitional  type  of  the  Last  Supper  which  is  most  clearly  expressed 
in  the  mosaic  of  Sant'  Apollinare  Nuovo. 

Although  the  mosaic  scene  is  the  clearest  representation  of  this  type, 
there  exist  other  examples  in  the  West  where  the  Last  Supper  is  repre- 
sented in  a more  limited  historical  manner.  Among  these  other  scenes 
which  in  the  retention  of  the  catacomb  symbolism  of  the  loaves  and  the 
fishes  show  a Western  origin  is  the  scene  on  the  Milan  book  covers17 
(Fig.  128).  Here  are  represented  four  figures  reclining  on  a raised  and 
sigma  shaped  couch  about  a semi-circular  table  on  which  are  set  seven  pieces 
of  bread  and  a dish  containing  a fish;  at  the  left  of  the  composition  sits 
the  Saviour  blessing  the  food  with  His  right  hand;  next  to  Him  is  a 
disciple  who  drinks  while  a second  disciple  watches ; at  the  end  of  the  table 
opposite  to  the  Saviour  reclines  a third  disciple  who  turns  his  head  to 
follow  the  Master’s  gesture. 

1,1  See  Strzygowski : Ravenna  als  Vorort  aramaischer  Kunst , ( Orieus  Christ.,  V,  1915, 


Fig.  127.  Ravenna:  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
mosaic.  The  Last  Supper. 


7 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  455. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


137 

That  the  scene  is  a Last  Supper,  as  it  is  called  by  Molinier,18  Stuhl- 
fauth,10  and  Dobbert,20  and  neither  the  Supper  at  Emmaus  as  Venturi 
interprets  it21  nor  Christ  dining  with  Lazarus  and  his  sisters  as  Westwood 
suggests,22  is  indicated  by  the  gesture  which  Christ  makes  toward  the 
viands  on  the  table.  The  limited  number  of  disciples  is  explained  by 
the  transitional  character  of  the  composition.  Other  representations  of 
the  Last  Supper  during  the  first  eight  centuries  of  Christian  art  in  the 
West  show  an  abbreviation  of  the  number  of  the  disciples  who  sat  at  table 
with  the  Saviour.  In  the  scene  on  the  columns  of  the  ciborium  of  San 


Fig.  128.  Milan:  Cathedral,  ivory  book 
covers.  The  Last  Supper. 


Marco23  there  are  only  three  figures  seated  at  the  table,  in  the  eighth 
century  mosaic  in  the  Chapel  of  John  VII24  the  number  is  five,  and  in  the 
seventh  century  Codex  Cambricensis25  there  are  eight  disciples. 

V hile  the  narrative  rendering  of  the  scene  on  the  Milan  book  cover 
is  not  so  accurate  and  realistic  as  in  the  mosaic  of  Sant'  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
it  is  none  the  less  a transitional  representation  of  the  Last  Supper  and 
is  to  be  classified  with  the  Ravenna  example  as  a Western  type.  In  the 
first  place  it  preserves  the  Eucharistic  symbolism  of  the  loaves  and  fishes 
which  was  characteristic  of  the  Ravenna  representation.  In  the  second 
place,  although  the  number  of  disciples  is  abbreviated,  it  is  none  the  less 
a narrative  rendering  of  the  Last  Supper  as  an  event  and  is  similar  to 

' Molinier,  Hist.  gen.  dcs  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  61. 

Stuhlfauth,  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  68.  20  Dobbert,  Repcrtoriuui,  XIV,  p.  183. 

\ enturi,  Storia,  I,  p.  510.  22  V estwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  p.  41. 

Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  496/3.  24  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IV,  pi.  280/7. 

25  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  pi.  141. 


1 38  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

the  scene  of  the  mosaic  in  that  the  ends  of  the  raised  couch  with  the  end 
of  the  table  form  three  contiguous  panels  across  the  bottom  of  the  com- 
position. This  feature  is  important,  for  it  recalls  the  Eastern  banqueting 
scenes  rather  than  the  Western  feasts  in  the  catacombs  where  the  people 
lie  on  a semi-circular  bolster  placed  upon  the  ground.  The  semi-circular 
table  at  Ravenna  with  the  seven  loaves  and  the  two  fishes,  which  reappears 
on  the  column  of  San  Marco  with  six  loaves,  was,  according  to  Fleury,26 
one  of  the  most  ancient  forms  given  to  the  sacred  table  itself ; at  Vienne  he 


Fig.  129.  Florence:  Laurentiana,  Gospels 
of  Rabula.  The  Communion  of  the  Apos- 
tles. 


cites  an  altar  of  the  seventh  century  which  not  only  has  the  same  shape 
but  also  has  on  its  top  the  places  for  six  loaves  of  bread.  The  scene  on 
the  Milan  ivory  is,  like  the  mosaic  scene,  a rendering  of  the  Last  Supper 
in  its  Eucharistic,  symbolic  sense. 

Thus  the  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory,  while  it  does  not  aid  in  localizing 
the  covers  in  Provence,  sustains  their  Western  origin  and  points  to  their 
origin  in  a community  similar  to  Ravenna,  as  was  Marseilles, 
where  Western  symbolism  was  breaking  down  under  Eastern  influences. 
The  Western  character  of  the  transitional  type  is  mainly  shown  by  the 
retention  of  the  old  catacomb  symbolism  of  the  loaves  and  fishes  and  the 
resultant  symbolic  significance  of  the  type  which  contrasts  with  the  more 

20  Fleury,  La  Messc,  I,  p.  164,  pi.  LIT. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  139 

purely  narrative  rendering  of  the  historical  type  in  the  East.  This 
symbolic  character  is  more  manifest  on  the  Milan  covers  where  the 
apostles  are  reduced  to  three.  The  parallels  for  this  abbreviation  of  the 
number  of  the  apostles  are  all  on  monuments  of  the  West  which  show 
in  other  scenes  an  odd  eclectic  mixture  of  Eastern  and  Western  forms. 

The  liturgical  type  scarcely  enters  into  a discussion  of  the  Last  Supper 
as  a scene  in  early  Christian  art.27  Tt  is  hardly  correct  to  say  that  it  repre- 
sents the  Last  Supper  at  all,  for  Christ  is  represented  as  a priest  in 
the  First  Communion  with  His  apostles,  and  the  scene  is  only  related  to  the 
historical  event  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  Last  Supper  was  the  occasion 
of  the  First  Communion.  As  a type,  then,  it  was  developed  in  a purely 


Fig.  130.  Rossano:  Gospels.  The  Communion  of  the  Apostles. 


dogmatic  sense  and  was  related  solely  to  the  Eucharist.  As  the  Multiplica- 
tion of  the  Loaves  and  Fishes  was  the  symbolic  method  of  depicting  the 
Eucharist  followed  in  the  West,  this  more  realistic  form  where  Christ, 
as  the  celebrant,  is  shown  administering  the  bread  and  wine  to  His 
disciples,  was  the  Oriental  manner  of  representing  the  sacrament. 

The  liturgical  type  appears  in  the  sixth  century  in  the  Rabula  Gos- 
pels2’* (I  ig.  129).  In  a miniature  of  this  manuscript  the  Saviour  stands 
on  a small  mound  holding  in  His  left  hand  the  chalice  and  in  His  right 
hand  the  wafer,  both  of  which  He  offers  to  the  eleven  apostles  who  stand 
before  Him.  In  the  same  century  it  occurs  along  with  the  historical  repre- 

E.  Dobbert,  l, her  die  Darstellung  dcs  Abciidmahls  durch  die  bysantiuische  Kunst, 
is, 2,  p.  22\  Baumstark,  Rom.  Quart.,  1905,  pp.  206-207:  Heisenberg,  Graheskirche  und 
Apostetkirche,  p.  175;  Leclercq,  op.  cit.;  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  666. 

25  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  pi.  137/2. 


140 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


sentation  of  the  Last  Supper  in  the  Codex  Rossanensis29  (Lig.  130). 
After  Byzantine  art  became  fully  formulated  this  subject  was  a favorite 
theme  for  the  decoration  of  apses  and  occasionally  of  domes,  as  in  the 
monasteries  of  Vatopedi  and  Chilandari  at  Mount  Athos.30  The  fully 
developed  form  of  the  type  is  found  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the  mosaics 
of  the  cathedral  of  Kieff.31  In  the  centre  is  an  altar  standing  before  a 
ciborium  on  each  side  of  which  is  an  angel  serving  as  sub-deacon  to  our 
Lord.  Christ  is  twice  represented,  on  the  right  offering  a cup  to  six 
apostles  and  on  the  left  presenting  the  bread  to  six  more  apostles.  Much  the 
same  rendering  occurs  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the  mosaic  of  the  Cathe- 
dral of  Serres32  in  Macedonia  and  in  the  frescoes  of  the  churches  of  Cappa- 
docia and  Lycia.33  Later  in  southern  Italy,  as  a result  of  Byzantine 
influence  in  the  West,  the  type  appears  in  the  frescoes  of  S.  Angelo  in 
Lormis  and  in  the  chapel  of  S.  Angelo  at  Monte  Raparo  (Basilicata).34 

The  historical  type,  which  is  an  actual  representation  of  the  Last 
Supper  as  an  historical  event  without  any  manifest  importance  at- 
tached to  the  symbolic  significance  of  the  scene,  was  created  in  the  East 
and  developed  as  a Byzantine  scene  which  soon  after  its  inception  in 
the  sixth  century  passed  into  the  art  of  the  West.  The  various  changes 
that  the  type  went  through  in  its  development  have  been  most  carefully 
studied  and  clearly  presented  by  Dobbert  and  it  suffices  for  our  purpose 
to  note  that  it  appears  to  have  originated  in  the  sixth  century  on  proto- 
Byzantine  monuments  of  Asia  Minor.  In  a miniature  of  the  Rossano 
Gospels35  (Lig.  1 3 1 ) Christ  with  His  twelve  disciples  is  represented  re- 
clining at  the  left  hand  end  of  a couch  of  semi-circular  shape  with  the 
chord  toward  the  spectator;  near  the  middle  of  the  disciples,  who  are 
arranged  about  on  the  bolster,  lies  Judas  stretching  forth  his  hand  to  grasp 
the  food  on  the  table.  The  fact  that  the  liturgical  type  occurs  in  the 
Rossano  Gospels  along  with  this  historical  representation  shows  that 
there  was  no  particular  importance  laid  on  the  actual  Last  Supper  as  a 

29  Haseloff,  Codex  Rossanensis,  pis.  VI-VII. 

30  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  667. 

31  Ainaloff  and  Riedin,  Ancient  Monuments  of  Art  in  Kieff,  figs.  8-11;  Dalton,  op. 
cit.,  pp.  395,  666. 

32  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  fig.  423. 

33  Rott,  Kleinasiatische  Denkmdler,  pp.  138,  144,  338. 

34  E.  Bertaux,  L’ art  dans  I’ltalie  mcridionale,  p.  123. 

35  Gebhardt  und  Harnack,  op.  cit.,  pi.  VIII. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


141 

symbol,  at  least  as  a symbol  of  the  Eucharist.  The  scene  of  the  Last 
Supper  among  the  Biblical  representations  on  the  walls  of  St.  Sergius 
at  Gaza,  built  by  Justinian,  as  it  is  described  by  the  chronicler  Chorikios, 


was  very  like  the  miniature  scene  of  the  Rossano  Gospels.30  With  few 
changes  this  rendering  of  the  Rossano  Gospels  was  adopted  as  the  Byzan- 
tine type;  by  the  ninth  century  the  added  feature  of  John  leaning  on  the 
Master's  breast  made  the  scene  even  more  narrative  in  character.37 


XVI 

THE  PRESENTATION  OF  THE  CROWNS 

The  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  (Fig.  132)  of  Christ,  young  and  beard- 
less. seated  upon  a starry  globe  and  blessing  with  outstretched  and 
veiled  hands  the  crowns,  which  an  apostle,  saint,  or  martyr  presents  to 
Him  on  either  side,  appears  to  have  been  an  Italian  motif  used  only  in 
the  West.1  It  is  impossible  to  interpret  the  scene  as  the  Multiplication  of 
the  Loaves  and  Fishes,  as  Dobbert  suggests,2  from  the  fact  that  the  figures 
on  either  side  of  Christ  present  neither  bread  nor  fish  for  His  blessing, 
but  instead  carry  wreaths. 

These  two  figures  presenting  their  wreaths  to  Christ  are  not  Peter 
and  Paul,  as  many  writers  consider  them  to  be,3  but  are  unknown  Chris- 

39  Dobbert,  Rcpertorium  (1891)  XIV,  p.  198;  Choricii  Gazaci  Orationes,  fragmenta, 
ed.  Boissonade,  pp.  91-98.- 

37  The  first  representation  of  John  leaning  upon  the  breast  of  the  Master  is  said  to 
occur  in  the  eighth  century  at  Ferentillo  (Dobbert,  op.  cit.,  XIV,  p.  182). 

3 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  455. 

2 Dobbert,  Rcpertorium  fiir  Kunstwisscnschaft,  VIII,  1885,  p.  172. 

3 Bugati,  Mem.  di  S.  Celso,  p.  275;  Westwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  p.  41;  Molinier,  Hist, 
gen  des  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  61  ; Stuhlfauth,  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  68,  calls  the 
scene  “die  Huldigung  an  den  triumphierenden  Christus.’’ 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


142 

tian  martyrs.  The  two  figures  on  the  ivory  are  both  beardless,  and  at 
the  time  the  Milan  covers  were  executed,  c.  500,  the  types  of  the  two 
apostles  had  been  firmly  established  in  the  Western  art.  Paul  was  repre- 
sented with  a long,  pointed  beard  and  a bald  forehead  and  Peter  was 
always  depicted  with  a short,  stubby  beard  and  the  Roman  tonsure.  This 


Fig.  132.  Milan:  Catheidral,  ivory  book 
covers.  Presentation  of  the  Crowns. 


convention  regarding  the  two  Saints  in  the  “Traditio  Legis,”  which  the  scene 
on  the  ivory  would  represent  if  we  were  to  consider  the  figures  to  be  Peter 
and  Paul,  was  generally  preserved  on  all  the  monuments  of  Rome,4 
Ravenna,5  and  Gaul.6  While  it  is  impossible  to  interpret  the  figures  as 
Peter  and  Paul,  it  is  certain  from  the  wreaths  which  they  carry  that 
they  are  Christian  martyrs  as  Garrucci7  and  Venturi8  assert.  There 
is  no  reason,  however,  to  assume  with  Garrucci  that  the  martyrs  are  the 
Milanese  Saints  Gervasius  and  Protasius.  The  fact  that  it  was  the  custom 
throughout  the  West  to  represent  local  martyrs,  as  well  as  apostles,  offer- 
ing crowns  or  wreaths  to  the  Saviour  makes  any  specific  interpretation  of 
their  names  a pure  speculation.9 

Christ  enthroned  upon  a globe,  which  is  the  unique  feature  of  the 
composition,  was,  as  far  as  existing  monuments  give  any  evidence,  an 

4 Sarcophagi:  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pis.  327/2,  33o/S,  334/V  335/4,  341/2.  Mosaics:  S. 
Andrea  (Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IV,  pi.  240/1)  and  S.  Agata  in  Subura  (op.  cit.,  pi.  240/2). 

5 Sarcophagi : Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pis.  332/2,  336/4,  345/i,  346/2. 

0 Sarcophagi;  S.  Maximin  (Garr.  334/3),  Arles  (335/2),  Arles  (342/3),  Marseilles 
(342/1). 

7 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  p.  82.  8 Venturi,  Storia,  I,  p.  510. 

0 Sarcophagi ; Lerins  (Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  329/2),  Ravenna  (pi.  346/2,  349/2,  3). 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


143 

Italian  motif.  While  the  globe  on  the  Milan  covers  is  its  only  occurrence 
on  the  early  Christian  ivories,  it  was  frequently  used  in  the  West,  before 
the  iconoclastic  controversies,  for  the  scene  of  the  “Traditio  Legis”  and  of 
the  blessing  of  the  crowns  of  Saints.  Christ  seated  upon  a globe  has  not 
remained  to  us  on  any  early  monuments  of  the  East  but,  as  may  be  seen 
from  the  following  list,  it  occurs  in  Rome  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 


Fig.  133.  Rome:  S.  Costanza,  mosaic. 

Christ  as  Logos,  giving  the  Law  to  Moses. 

fourth  century  (Fig.  133)  and  in  many  Western  monuments  of  the  fifth, 
sixth,  and  seventh  centuries : 

1)  Santa  Costanza,  Rome,10  IY  century;  mosaic. 

2)  S.  Agata  in  Subura,  Rome,11  V century  ; mosaic. 

3)  Milan  book  cover,  Provence,  cir.  500. 

4)  San  Yitale,  Ravenna.12  c.  530-547;  mosaic. 

5)  Sts.  Felix  and  Adauctus,  Rome,13  VI  century  (middle)  ; fresco. 

6)  San  Lorenzo,  Rome,14  578-590;  mosaic. 

7)  Cathedral,  Parenzo.15  VI  century;  mosaic. 

8)  San  Teodoro,  Rome,10  YII  century;  mosaic. 

It  is  possible  that  the  motif  of  Christ  seated  on  a globe  originated  in  the 
East,  for  Christ  standing  on  the  globe  occurs  not  only  in  a fourth  century 
fresco  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  at  Rome,17  but  also  in  the  fifth  century 
in  the  mosaics  of  the  Baptistery  of  Naples  which  were  executed  under 

10  Garr.,  IV,  pi.  207;  Ainaloff  in  the  Journal  of  Public  Instruction,  St.  Petersburg, 
1895.  p.  267.  sees  in  this  scene  a strong  resemblance  to  the  scene  in  San  Vitale. 

11  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IV,  pi.  240/2.  12  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IV,  pi.  258. 

13  Marucchi.  Nuovo  Bullettino  di  arch,  crist.,  X,  1904,  p.  135,  pi.  V. 

14  De  Rossi,  Musaici  cristiani  di  Roma;  Diehl,  op.  cit.,  p.  322;  Alinari,  no.  21249. 

15  Dalton,  Bye.  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  373. 

15  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  252/3. 

17  De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  1887,  p.  25,  pi.  VII. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


144 

Syrian  influence.18  The  “Traditio  Legis”  in  which  it  first  appears  is  prob- 
ably also  of  Syrian  origin.19  Nevertheless,  the  monuments  listed  above 
show  that  by  the  fifth  century  the  type  was  well  known  in  Rome  and  in 
the  north  of  Italy. 

In  much  the  same  rendering  as  that  on  the  Milan  ivory  the  mosaic  of 
San  Vitale  shows  Christ  offering  a crown  to  San  Vitale.  The  scene  in 
San  Lorenzo  at  Rome  represents  St.  Hippolytus  offering  his  crown  to  the 
Saviour,  and  the  mosaic  of  San  Teodoro  depicts  two  saints  with  crowns 
being  presented  to  Christ  by  Peter  and  Paul.  As  martyrs  offering  their 
wreaths  to  Christ  were  customarily  represented  on  the  monuments  of 
Rome,  Ravenna,  and  even  of  Narbonne,20  and  Christ  seated  on  a globe 
and  either  blessing  or  presenting  crowns  to  saints  was  figured  on  the 
mosaics  of  Rome  and  Ravenna  before  the  Milan  covers  were  executed, 
the  appearance  of  this  scene  on  the  ivory  is  indicative  of  Western  origin. 


XVII 

THE  WIDOW'S  MITE 

A highly  problematic  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  shows  Christ  seated 
upon  a globe  and  stretching  forth  His  hand  to  a woman  who  appears  to 
be  dropping  something  on  a table  which  is  between  them  (I’ig.  134)  ; be- 
hind the  woman  are  figured  two  men  who  express  by  their  gestures  great 
surprise  at  the  event.1 

Of  all  the  various  subjects  which  have  been  suggested,  the  most  plausi- 
ble is  Christ  and  the  Widow’s  Mite.  That  it  does  not  represent  Christ 
and  the  Samaritan  Woman,  as  Molinier  asserts,2  is  manifest  from  the 
absence  of  the  well  and  the  presence  of  a table  between  Christ  and  the 
woman.  If  anything,  it  is  less  likely  that  it  represents  the  Woman  Taken 
in  Adultery,  for  not  only  was  the  scene  very  uncommon  in  the  whole 
history  of  Christian  art,  but  also  the  appearance  of  the  table  on  the  Milan 

18  Bertaux,  L’art  dans  I’ltalie  meridionale,  fig.  71  Garr.,  IV,  pi.  269;  Diehl,  Manuel, 
p.  1 17. 

19  Baumstark,  Oriens  Christianas,  III,  1903,  pp.  173-200;  Byz.  Zeit.,  XIII,  1904,  p.  661. 

20  Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  chretiens  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  XLV/2. 

1 Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  455- 

2 Molinier,  Hist.  gen.  dcs  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  61. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


145 

ivory  can  not  be  explained  or  paralleled  in  any  other  examples.3  Both 
of  these  interpretations  are  based  on  the  fact  that  in  the  eleventh  century 
there  appear  in  the  frescoes  of  S.  Angelo  in  Formis  representations 


Fig.  134.  Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  book 
covers.  The  Widow’s  Mite. 


of  these  two  scenes,  in  both  of  which  Christ,  most  oddly,  sits  upon  a 
globe.4 

As  the  Widow’s  Hite  the  scene  on  the  Milan  book  covers1  is  similar, 
save  for  the  globe,  to  the  rendering  of  the  same  scene  in  a mosaic  of  S. 
Apollinare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna  (Fig.  135).  In  this  sixth  century  mosaic 
the  widow  stands  at  the  left  of  the  composition,  her  hand  extended  over 
a table,  which  resembles  the  table  on  the  ivory,  and  faces  Christ,  who  is 
accompanied  by  a single  disciple.6  With  the  exception  of  the  globe,  both 
representations  are  noticeably  alike  and  accurately  illustrate  the  Gospel 
account.7  It  is  also  interesting  to  note  that  about  the  middle  of  the  fifth 
century  Perpetuus  recorded  that  among  other  Biblical  scenes  the  Widow’s 
Mite  was  figured  on  the  walls  of  the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours.8 

Whatever  the  correct  interpretation  of  the  scene  may  be,  we  have 

::  Examples  of  this  scene  occur  at  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  (Fleury,  L’£vangile,  pi. 
LYIII/2),  and  in  the  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  gr.  510,  Bibl.  Nat.,  Paris  (Fleury, 
op.  cif.,  pi.  LYIII/3). 

* Bertaux,  L’art  dans  J’ltaUe  mcridionale,  fig.  99. 

This  interpretation  is  that  of  Westwood  (Fictile  Ivories,  p.  41),  Stuhlfauth,  Elfen- 
beinplastik,  and  Dobbert,  Jb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  1894,  p.  136. 

c Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IY,  pi.  248/5.  'Mark  xii,  42;  Luke  xxi,  1-4. 

' Kraus,  Gcscliichte  dcr  christlichen  Kunst,  I,  p.  602  sq  ; Perpetuus,  “Tituli  der  Basilica 
des  Heil.  Martin  zu  Tours”  in  Von  Schlosser,  Quellenbuch  cur  Kunstgeschichte  (Neue 
Folge,  4),  p.  32. 


146 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


Fig.  135.  Ravenna:  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
mosaic.  The  Widow’s  Mite. 


already  indicated  the  Italian  character  of  the  globe  as  a seat  for  Christ.0 
Although  the  only  other  examples  of  its  use  in  miracle  scenes  in  the 
eleventh  century  are  the  frescoes  of  S.  Angelo  in  Formis,  its  frequent 
use  in  other  connections  from  the  fourth  to  the  eighth  century  in  Italy 
and  its  continuation  in  Carolingian  art  leaves  little  doubt  as  to  the  West- 
ern origin  of  the  scene  on  the  Milan  book  covers. 

XVIII 

CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT 

The  representation  of  Christ  trampling  under  foot  the  lion,  the  dragon, 
the  asp  and  the  basilisk  as  depicted  on  the  Bodleian  book  cover,  the  ivory  so 
frequently  cited  in  connection  with  the  preceding  scenes,  presents  a 
composition  which  not  only  may  be  connected  with  early  Caro- 
lingian art  in  France  but  also  may  be  traced  back  to  a prototype  of 
Egyptian  origin.  This  transmission  of  Egyptian  types  into  early  French 
art  is  neither  surprising  nor  peculiar  to  this  particular  scene.  In  the  first 
place  it  was  the  natural  continuation,  if  not  the  actual  result,  of  that 
Eastern  influence  which  entered  Provence  through  Marseilles  and  spread 
through  Gaul  in  Carolingian  times.  The  importance  of  the  role  that  Egyp- 
tian models  played  in  the  development  of  Carolingian  art  at  that  time  when 
the  art  of  the  North  was  emerging  under  Christian  tutelage  from  barbar- 
ism has  been  shown  in  various  aspects.  The  Syro-Egyptian  influence  on 
Merovingian  and  Carolingian  miniatures,1  the  presence  of  Egyptian  art 

D See  p.  142. 

1 The  influence  of  Egypt  and  Syria  on  Merovingian  art  has  already  been  established 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


147 

objects,  like  the  Barberini  diptych,2  in  Frankish  cities  at  an  early  date, 
and  the  dependence  of  certain  reliefs  at  Aachen  on  Egyptian  or  Alexandrian 
models  make  this  relation  manifest.  The  most  interesting  parallel  for 
the  present  problem  is  the  connection  of  the  scenes,  and  their  technique, 
on  the  ivory  pulpit  of  Charlemagne  at  Aachen  with  Coptic  and  Alexan- 


Fig.  136.  Alexandria  : Catacombs,  fresco. 

Christ  Triumphant. 

drian  prototypes.3  Among  these  early  Frankish  scenes,  the  representation 

of  a mounted  horseman  lancing  an  animal  upon  the  ground  has  been 

shown,  by  Strzygowski,4  to  have  been  taken  from  a Christian  type  of 

Egypt  which  in  its  turn  was  derived  from  the  mounted  Horus  in  Egyptian 

and  a brief  summary,  with  a good  bibliography',  of  the  subject  may  be  found  in  Michel's 
Histoire  de  I’art  chretien,  vol.  I.  pp.  395-400.  For  the  dependence  of  Carolingian  and 
Ottoman  illumination  on  Syro-Egyptian  models  see : Strzygowski,  Hcllenistische  und 

Koptische  Kunst,  and  Byzantinische  Denkvtaler,  I,  p.  58,  Michel’s  Histoire  de  I'art 
chretien,  I,  pp.  340,  400  sq.,  HaselofT,  Der  Psalter  Erzbiscliof  Egberts  von  Trier,  p.  133, 
cf.  Byz.  Zeit.,  XI,  p.  566,  and  Janitschek,  Die  Trierer  Ada-Handsclirift,  p.  85. 

2 Strzygowski,  Hell,  und  Kopt.  Kunst,  p.  68. 

3 Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  p.  21  sq.  4 Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  fig.  16. 


148  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

art.  By  the  same  stages  the  scene  of  Christ  standing  triumphant  on  the 
evil  beasts  came  to  Carolingian  art  directly  from  Egypt  where  it  was  also 
developed  from  the  representations  of  the  youthful  Horus  trampling  under 
foot  the  beast  which,  in  Nilotic  mythology,  symbolized  the  evil  and 
malignant  powers. 

This  relation  between  the  Christian  idea  of  Christ  Triumphant  over 
evil  and  the  old  Egyptian  conception  of  Horus  was  presented  by  Neroutsos- 
Bey  when  he  published  an  account  of  the  Christian  frescoes  remaining 
in  a funeral  chapel  of  Alexandria.5  The  usual  type  of  Horus  on  the 
Egyptian  reliefs,  as  this  author  points  out,  shows  the  young  god  standing 
on  the  heads  of  two  crocodiles  while  in  his  hands  he  carries  serpents, 
scorpions,  a lizard,  and  a lion.6  Often  there  are  figured  on  either  side 
of  him  other  divinities  who  aid  in  mastering  the  evil  beasts  and  above 
his  head  is  always  portrayed  the  masque  of  the  great  protector,  Bes. 
With  this  common  Egyptian  representation  of  Horus  is  to  be  compared 
the  scene  in  the  catacombs  of  Alexandria  (Fig.  136)  where  the  young 
Christ,  beardless  and  nimbed,  tramples  under  His  bare  feet  the  lion  and 
dragon  while  at  His  side  are  the  asp  and  the  basilisk.7  The  two  apostles 
(omitted  in  Fig.  136)  on  either  side  of  Him  take  the  place  of  the  Egyptian 
divinities  who  frequently  accompany  Horus,  while  the  nimbed  head  of  God 
the  Father  (omitted  in  my  illustration)  recalls  the  masque  of  Bes,  the  pro- 
tector. Beside  the  apostles,  two  angels,  one  on  either  side,  decorate  the 
jambs  which  terminate  the  picture.  The  analogy  between  the  Christian  and 
the  pagan  scenes  is  more  than  that  of  a similarity  in  iconography.  It  is  be- 
tween almost  identical  conceptions:  the  Horus  relief  (Fig.  137)  depicts  the 
formula,  carved  upon  it,  '‘trample  under  foot  the  crocodiles  and  master 
without  effort  the  lion,  serpents,  etc.” ; and  the  Christian  scene,  as  the  in- 
scription below  it  shows,  illustrates  the  words  of  the  Psalmist,  “Thou  shalt 
tread  upon  the  asp  and  the  basilisk:  the  lion  and  the  dragon  shalt  thou 
trample  under  feet.”8 

Other  writers  have  pointed  out  this  relation  between  the  two  repre- 
sentations and  have  admitted  the  Egyptian  origin  of  the  Christian  scene.9 

5 Neroutsos-Bey,  L’ancienne  Alexandrie,  Paris,  1888,  p.  45  sq. 

6 Op.  cit.,  p.  46.  7 Op.  cit.,  p.  49. 

8 Op.  cit.,  p.  48.  Super  aspideni  et  basiliscum  ambulabis,  ct  conculcabis  leoneni  et 
draconcm  (Ps.  XCI,  13.  Vulgate). 

9 Lmile  Male,  Comptes  rendus  du  Congres  international  d’archeologie  classique,  Cairo* 
1909,  p.  270 ; Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’archeologie  chreiienne  et  de  liturgie, 
s.  v.  “Basilic”;  Laurent,  Les  ivoires  pregothiques,  p.  40  sq. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


149 

In  fact,  before  the  Alexandrian  fresco  had  been  published,  Reveillout  had 
noted  the  striking  resemblance  which  existed  between  Christ  in  Coptic 
literature  and  Horus  in  the  Egyptian  tradition.10  The  Egyptian  origin 
of  the  scene  would  be  more  than  certain  if  the  third  century  date  to  which 


Neroutsos-Bey  ascribed  the  Alexandrian  frescoes  seemed  possible.11  Un- 
luckily the  general  character  of  the  frescoes,  the  inscriptions,  and  the 
iconography  that  includes  the  Virgin,  impresses  one  with  the  idea  that  the 
frescoes  could  not  have  been  as  early  as  the  third  century  or,  possibly, 
even  the  fifth  century  which  marks  the  limit  set  by  Neroutsos-Bey  for 
their  execution  and  repainting.  The  connection  of  the  type  with  Egypt, 
however,  does  not  depend  solely  either  upon  the  date  of  this  single  fresco 
or  upon  the  Horus  analogy.  The  same  iconography  of  the  scene  is  pre- 
served on  a large  number  of  various  objects,  of  which  the  majority 

10  Reveillout,  Rez  ue  Egyptologique,  1881,  II,  p.  65. 

11  Xeroutsos-Bey,  op.  cit.,  p.  51. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


150 

are  known  to  have  come  from  Africa  and  the  rest  may  be  shown  to  have 
the  same  origin. 

The  scene  occurs  most  frequently  on  the  early  Christian  lamps  from 
Egypt.  On  one  lamp,  found  on  the  Palatine  and  therefore  attributed  by 
De  Rossi  to  Rome,12  the  Saviour,  beardless  and  with  a cruciform  nimbus, 
is  represented  treading  under  foot  a serpent  on  whose  head  He  rests  the 
end  of  a long  handled  cross ; on  either  side  of  the  Saviour’s  head  is  an 


Fig.  138.  Strassburg,  Forrer  Collection  : 

Christian  lamp  from  Akmim.  Christ  Tri- 
umphant. 

angel,  at  His  left  another  serpent,  to  His  right  a dragon,  and  beneath  His 
feet  a lion.  This  same  type  of  scene  with  only  the  most  minor  variations 
occurs  on  a lamp  in  the  Brills  Collection  at  Rome13  and  on  another  at 
Madrid  which  is  said  to  have  come  from  Athens.14  Besides  these  examples 
of  apparently  doubtful  origin  the  same  composition  which  appears  on  the 

]-Dc  Rossi,  Bull,  di  arch,  crist.,  1867,  p.  12. 

13  Garr.,  Storia,  VI,  pi.  473/4. 

14  Garrucci,  /.  c.  p.  109. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


151 

Palatine  lamp  occurs  also  on  three  lamps  from  Africa,  viz.,  a fragment  from 
Carthage,15  a lamp  from  Akmim,16  and  another  from  Bagai'.17  The  like- 
ness between  the  Palatine  example  and  the  one  from  Bagai,  in  Upper 
Egypt,  is  extremely  close.  Further  evidence  for  an  Egyptian  origin  of 
the  three  lamps  which  are  not  known  to  have  come  from  Africa  is  afforded 
by  the  Greek  inscription  on  the  Brills  lamp,  and  the  ornament  and  material 
of  the  Palatine  lamp,  which  show,  as  Grisar  says,18  that  it  could  have  been 
executed  only  in  Egypt  or  the  Holy  Land.  With  an  almost  certain  Egyp- 
tian origin  for  all  these  lamps,  the  relation  of  the  scene  of  Christ  Tri- 
umphant with  the  same  scene  in  the  Alexandrian  catacombs  is  obviously 
intimate,  for  the  similarity  extends  even  to  the  angels  who  fly  toward 
Christ  on  either  side  (Fig.  138). 

This  developed  type  where  Christ  tramples  on  the  four  beasts  was 
abbreviated  in  Egypt  into  a second  type,  seen  also  on  the  lamps,  where 


Fig.  139.  Strassburg,  Forrer  Collec- 
tion: Christian  lamp  from  Akmim. 

Christ  Triumphant. 

the  Saviour  stands  upon  a single  serpent.  On  a lamp  from  Akmim  (big. 
139)  Christ  is  depicted  standing  on  a huge  serpent  on  whose  body  He 
rests  the  end  of  a long  cross  that  He  carries  in  His  right  hand.19  The 
same  rendering,  with  only  a few  slight  variations,  occurs  on  three  lamps 
from  Carthage.20  and  on  the  cover  of  an  earthen  vessel  in  the  Cairo 

15  Revue  de  l’art  chretien,  1893,  p.  37,  no.  903. 

lf;  Forrer,  Die  friihchrisllichen  Alterthiimcr  aus  deni  Gr'dberfclde  von  Achmim-Panopo- 
lis,  pi.  IV,  no.  3. 

17  A.  Heron  de  Villefosse,  Lampcs  chretiennes  inedites  in  Le  Musce  archcologique, 
1876.  I,  pp.  113-117;  Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire,  s.  v.  “Basilic,”  col.  511,  note  1. 

1-  Grisar,  Roma  alia  fine  del  mondo  antico,  1908,  p.  619,  fig.  181. 

19  Forrer,  op.  cit.,  pi.  IV/2. 

20  Dclattre,  Musees  de  I’Algcric  ct  dc  la  Tunisia,  III,  pis.  VIII/i,  IX/2;  Dalton,  Cata- 
logue of  the  Early  Christian  Antiquities  in  the  British  Museum,  1901,  no.  721. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


152 

Museum.-1  The  scene  on  a textile  from  Akmim  is  of  the  same  order, 
although  in  this  case  the  Saviour  carries  a small  cross  in  His  left  hand 
and  with  His  right  hand  drives  a lance  into  the  mouth  of  the  dragon  at 
His  feet.22 

This  second  abbreviated  type  passed  from  Egypt  to  Ravenna  and 
occurs  there  for  the  first  time  among  the  wall  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apollinare 
Nuovo.23  In  the  lunette  above  the  palace  portal  which  is  represented  in 
mosaic  on  the  walls  of  the  nave,  Christ,  carrying  a cross  in  His  right  hand 
and  a book  in  His  left  hand,  stands  on  the  head  of  a long  serpent;  on  either 
side  of  Him  is  a single  apostle.  This  early  sixth  century  representation  is 
remarkably  close  to  the  Coptic  examples.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  two 
apostles  who  appear  in  the  Ravenna  mosaic  also  occur  in  the  Alexandrian 
fresco.  In  Merovingian  times  the  type  of  Christ  standing  on  the  single 
serpent  appears  to  have  been  introduced,  not  necessarily  through  Ravenna, 
into  Gaul.  In  a cemetery  of  Orleans  (Fig.  140)  there  was  discovered 


Fig.  140.  Fragment  of  terra  cotta  vase 

DISCOVERED  AT  ORLEANS.  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT. 

a fragment  of  vase  on  which  is  represented  the  figure  of  Christ  carrying 
a cross  and  standing  on  the  head  of  a serpent.24  The  composition  of  the 
scene  is  curiously  analogous  to  the  examples  from  Akmim  and  Carthage. 

21  Strzygowski,  Koptische  Kunst,  p.  248,  no.  7142. 

22  Forrer,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XVIII/i. 

23  Alinari,  no.  18238;  Julius  Kurth,  Die  Mosaiken  der  christlichen  Ara,  p.  177,  men- 
tions the  scene  but  apparently  fails  to  understand  its  meaning;  he  writes  that  three 
figures  are  represented  having  an  adventure  with  a snake,  a reptile  which  was  frequently 
seen  in  the  woods  around  Ravenna. 

24  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  466/2;  Revue  archeologique,  XV,  1867,  p.  376. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


153 

Christ  on  the  vase  wears  an  Egyptian  coiffure  and  a Gallic  sagum25  and 
carries  a kind  of  cross  similar  to  those  on  the  African  lamps,  while  the 
serpent  coils  around  the  feet  of  the  Saviour  in  a manner  identical  with 
that  of  the  Coptic  representations.  Many  of  the  monks,  hermits,  and 
ecclesiastics  of  Gaul  were  trained  in  the  monasteries  of  Upper  Egypt  and 
the  monastic  system  of  the  country  was  at  first  based  on  the  Egyptian  rule, 
so  that  it  is  not  in  the  least  surprising  to  find  this  Egyptian  type  in  a Gallic 
town.  In  fact,  it  offers  a parallel  for  the  later  introduction  into  Gaul  of 
the  developed  type  of  the  scene  such  as  was  seen  in  the  Alexandrian  fresco. 

Before  turning  to  the  introduction  of  the  developed  type  into  Caro- 
lingian  art  another  variation  in  the  manner  of  representing  Christ  Tri- 
umphant over  the  beasts  should  be  considered.  Instead  of  depicting  the 
Saviour  standing  on  the  four  beasts  or  upon  the  single  serpent,  this  method, 
which  is  first  seen  in  Ravenna,  shows  Him,  cross  in  hand,  trampling  upon 
the  necks  of  a lion  and  a dragon.  This  type,  if  it  was  not  brought  to 
Ravenna  from  Egypt  as  the  other  form  of  the  scene  must  have  been,  was 


Fig.  141.  Ravenna:  S.  Francesco,  Pignatta 

SARCOPHAGUS,  DETAIL.  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT. 

surely  developed  there  under  direct  Egyptian  influence  for,  after  all,  there 
is  little  difference  between  it  and  the  example  of  the  scene  in  the  Alexan- 
drian fresco.  Christ  trampling  on  the  lion  and  the  dragon  occurs  in  the 
fifth  century  at  Ravenna  in  a stucco  relief  of  the  Catholic  Baptistery  where 
Christ  curiously  enough  is  represented  wearing  an  Egyptian  coiffure.20 
Of  the  same  order  is  the  scene  on  the  Pignatta  sarcophagus  (Fig.  141) 

2'  Leclercq,  of.  cit.,  col.  513. 

26  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  406/4.  From  Dr.  Shapley,  of  Brown  University,  who  is  making 
a study  of  the  monuments  of  Ravenna,  I learn  that  Christ  carries  a cross  in  Flis  right 
hand. 


*54 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


at  Ravenna  where  Christ,  with  an  apostle  on  either  side,  is  seated  upon 
a raised  throne  resting  His  feet  upon  the  heads  of  a lion  and  a dragon.27 
In  Merovingian  times  the  type  is  found  on  a wooden  pail  from  a sepulchre 
at  Miannay,  near  Abbeville.28 

So  far,  the  review  of  the  early  examples  of  Christ  trampling  on  the 
beasts  has  shown  that  the  monuments  on  which  the  scene  occurs  were  of 
Egyptian  or  Western  origin.  In  other  words,  the  scene,  having  originated 
in  Egypt,  did  not  pass  into  Byzantine  art,  but  at  an  early  date  was  trans- 
mitted to  Ravenna  and  later  to  Gaul.  When  the  representations  of  the 
scene  which  were  executed  after  the  seventh  century  are  considered  it  will 
be  apparent  that  the  idea  of  depicting  Christ  treading  on  the  evil  beasts 
was  also  transmitted  to  Carolingian  art  and  was  characteristic  of  Frankish 
monuments.  It  is  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  scene  in  Carolingian  art 
that  the  question  as  to  the  date  and  execution  of  the  same  scene  on  the 
Bodleian  book  cover  arises. 

A summary,  however,  of  the  late  examples  of  the  scene,  which  are 
all  on  either  Carolingian,  Frankish,  or  Ottoman  monuments,  prepares  the 
way  for  showing  the  connection  between  the  scene  on  the  Bodleian  cover 
and  the  early  Carolingian  representations.  Also  when  the  Carolingian 
renderings  are  compared  with  the  representation  in  the  catacombs  of 
Alexandria  it  becomes  more  evident  that  the  scene,  as  a type,  must  have 
been  introduced  directly  from  Egypt.  In  the  eighth  or  ninth  century  the 
scene  of  Christ  trampling  on  the  four  beasts  occurs  on  a Carolingian  ivory 
book  cover  in  the  Musee  du  Cinquantenaire  at  Brussels29  and  on  the  cover 
of  the  Lorsch  Gospels  (Fig.  142)  in  the  Vatican.30  Although  this  last 
example  has  been  variously  attributed  to  Byzantine  and  Italian  as  well  as 
to  Carolingian  art,  it  is  now  admitted  to  be  of  Frankish  origin.31 

Besides  these  two  ivory  examples,  a representation  of  Christ  flanked 
by  two  angels  and  treading  on  the  lion  and  the  dragon  appears  in  a minia- 
ture of  the  Gospels  of  the  Duke  of  Arenberg  (Brussels),  a tenth  century 
Anglo-Saxon  manuscript.32  In  the  eleventh  century  the  same  scene  occurs 

27  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  344;  cf.  Diitschke,  Ravennatische  Studicn,  no.  68,  p.  246. 

28  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  461/4. 

29  Laurent,  Les  ivoircs  pregothiques,  pi.  II. 

30  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  457. 

31  The  latest  commentator  on  the  ivory,  Goldschmidt,  places  it  in  a group  connected 
with  the  atelier  of  the  Ada  Gospels  ( Jb . Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXVI,  1905,  64,  no.  31). 

32  Beissel,  Geschichte  dcr  Evangelienbiicher,  Freiburg  i/n,  1906,  p.  133,  fig.  35. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


:55 


Fig.  142.  Rome:  Vatican,  ivory  book 
COVER  FROM  LoRSCH.  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT. 

on  an  ivory  from  the  lower  Rhine,33  on  the  metal  cover  of  the  Gospels  of 
Poussay,34  and  on  the  reliquary  of  Saint  Hadelin  at  Vise.35  In  the  twelfth 
century  there  is  a representation  in  a missal  of  Hildesheim36  and  a 
French  ivory  in  the  South  Kensington  Museum  depicts  Christ  trampling 
on  the  four  beasts.37  Although  it  is  not  possible  that  this  list  of  ex- 
amples of  the  scene  is  complete,  it  is  singular  that  not  a single  late 
representation  has  been  found  either  on  an  unquestioned  Byzantine  or  an 
Italian  monument  and  that  the  scene  should  have  been  so  faithfully  pre- 
served in  those  regions  whose  art  emanated  from  the  Carolingian  schools 
of  miniature  painters,  who,  as  we  know,  drew  largely  from  Oriental 
sources. 

Turning  to  the  representation  on  the  Bodleian  book  cover  (see  Fig. 

3 Graeven,  Elfenbeinzuerke,  series  I,  no.  30,  in  the  Bargello  at  Florence. 

34  Laurent,  op.  cit.,  p.  44:  Sauerland  and  Haseloff,  Der  Psalter  Erzbiscltof  Egberts 
von  Trier,  1901,  pi.  32. 

3~  Laurent,  op.  cit.,  pi.  V. 

36  Beissel,  op.  cit.,  p.  322,  note  1 ; Loubier,  Der  Bucheinband,  fig.  51. 

37  Westwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  p.  165,  no.  260 ’67. 


156  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

169)  we  see  within  the  central  panel  the  figure  of  Christ  depicted  before 
a loggia.  The  Saviour  is  young,  beardless,  with  long  hair  falling  on  His 
shoulders,  and  wears  a cruciform  nimbus.  In  His  right  hand  He  holds 
a cross  which  rests  on  His  shoulder;  His  left  hand  bears  an  open 
book.  With  the  right  foot  He  treads  upon  the  lion  and  with  the 


Fig.  143.  Brussels:  Musee  du  Cinquan- 
TENAIRE,  IVORY  BOOK  COVER  FROM  GeNOELS- 
Elderen.  Christ  Triumphant. 


left  upon  the  dragon  while  beneath  the  lion  is  the  asp  and  beneath  the 
dragon  is  the  basilisk.  On  one  side  of  the  open  book  is  inscribed  the 


monogram 


IHS 

XPS 


and  on  the  other  sheet  are  the  first  two  words  of  the 


thirteenth  verse  of  the  ninety-first  Psalm,  ,SUP(er  j 

ASP  (idem) 

If  this  rendering  is  compared  with  the  same  scene  on  the  Carolingian 
diptych  of  Genoels-Elderen  at  Brussels  (Fig.  143)  the  similarity  is  ap- 
parent. In  the  first  place  both  scenes  are  set  within  columns  and  the 
Saviour  in  each  case  shows  the  same  traits  and  characteristics.  More- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  157 

over,  the  Saviour  on  both  ivories  carries  in  identical  fashion  the  same 
kind  of  a cross  while  He  treads  on  the  four  beasts  which  are  arranged 
in  the  same  positions.  In  fact,  the  renderings  are  remarkably  alike  with 
the  exception  that  Christ  on  the  Brussels  cover  is  flanked  by  two  angels 
and  that  there  is  far  greater  animation,  not  only  in  the  attitude  but  also 
in  the  draperies,  of  the  Christ  on  the  Bodleian  cover. 

This  particular  type  of  youthful,  long  haired  Christ,  seen  on  the  two 
ivories,  was  peculiar  to  Carolingian  art  and  primarily  to  the  Godescalc 
school  of  miniaturists.  It  is  the  resemblance  of  the  Christ  type  on  the 
Genoels-Elderen  diptych  to  the  traditional  rendering  of  Christ  in  the 
Godescalc  and  Ada  manuscripts  which,  with  other  points  of  semblance, 
led  Laurent  to  associate  so  successfully  the  Brussels  ivory  with  that  artistic 
centre  in  northern  Gaul  where  the  miniatures  of  the  Godescalc  school 
were  painted. 3S  The  ivory,  he  points  out,  preserves  in  the  scene  of  Christ 
Triumphant  a type  which  originated  in  Egypt.  This  dependence 
on  Eastern  types  is  also  characteristic  of  the  Godescalc  miniatures,  since 
these,  in  much  of  their  ornament  and  iconography,  were  based  upon 
Eastern  models  similar  to  the  Rabula  and  Etschmiadzin  Gospels  which 
Oriental  traders,  monks,  and  ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  pilgrims  to  the  Holy 
Land,  had  been  bringing  into  Gaul  ever  since  the  fifth  century.39  There- 
fore if  there  exists  so  intimate  a relation  between  the  Genoels-Elderen 
diptych  and  the  Godescalc  school  as  there  is  an  apparent  relation  between 
the  Genoels-Elderen  diptych  and  the  Bodleian  cover,  there  should  be  mani- 
fest certain  analogies  between  the  Bodleian  cover  and  the  Godescalc  school. 
Comparing  the  Christ  on  the  Bodleian  cover  with  the  Enthroned  Christ 
on  the  Godescalc  Gospels,40  which  were  finished  shortly  after  781,  it  is 
evident  that  the  type  of  Christ  is  the  same.  Notice  should  be  taken  of 
the  fact  that  in  the  Godescalc  miniature,  behind  the  head  of  Christ,  ap- 
pears the  same  monogram  IHS  NPS  which  is  inscribed  on  the  book 
which  Christ  holds  on  the  Bodleian  cover.  Carrying  the  comparison  with 
the  Godescalc  school  still  further,  the  Christ  on  the  ivory  is  very  much 
like  the  same  figure  in  the  Soissons  Gospels.41  In  this  early  ninth  century 

3S  Laurent,  op.  cit.,  p.  39. 

.see  Orientalizing  of  Gaul,  Part  II,  section  II,  of  this  volume. 

4 Michel,  Histoirc  dc  I’art  chrctien,  I,  fig.  166. 

4 Laurent,  op.  cit , pi.  I\  . This  similarity  of  the  Christ  on  the  Bodleian  ivory  with 
the  type  of  the  Godescalc  manuscripts  is  shown  by  another  miniature  in  the  Soissons 
Gospels  CR.  de  Lasteyrie,  L’architccture  religieuse  en  France  a I’epoque  romane,  1911, 
fig.  181).  The  similarity  extends  even  to  the  cross  which  Christ  carries  in  His  right 
hand,  the  open  hook  in  His  left  hand,  and  to  the  agitated  folds  of  His  draperies. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


158 

manuscript  the  drapery  has  that  nervous,  sharp  edged  character  which  is 
apparent  on  the  Bodleian  cover. 

Nervous  drapery,  which  appears  to  have  been  ironed  stiff  at  the 
moment  when  it  was  fluttering  most  violently,  was  one  of  the  most  char- 
acteristic features  of  many  of  the  Carolingian  and  Ottonian  schools  of  art. 
As  the  artists  sought  to  give  greater  life  and  vigor  to  their  figures,  the 
animated  drapery  became  more  and  more  pronounced  until  in  some  of 
the  late  schools,  as  the  Anglo-Saxon,  the  exaggeration  became  the 
principal  characteristic  of  the  style.  This  pronounced  animation  ap- 
pears in  the  scene  of  Christ  Triumphant  in  the  tenth  century  Anglo- 
Saxon  Gospels  of  Arenberg.  Although  more  animated  than  the  drapery 
in  the  Godescalc  Gospels  themselves,  the  drapery  of  Christ  on  the  Bodleian 
ivory  is  not  as  nervous  as  in  this  Anglo-Saxon  example  and  is  closest  to 
the  type  of  drapery  seen  in  miniatures  of  the  Godescalc  and  Ada  manu- 
scripts. Besides  the  marked  similarity  with  the  Christ  of  the  Soissons 
Gospels,  the  animated  folds  of  Christ’s  costume  on  the  ivory  recall  the 
drapery  of  the  Evangelist  in  the  Codex  Aureus  (Harleian,  2788)  of  the 
British  Museum,42  which  is  another  manuscript  of  the  Godescalc  group. 
It  is  significant  that  the  same  technique,  though  more  fully  developed  and 
more  beautifully  executed,  occurs  on  the  Carolingian  ivory  in  the  Vatican 
which  also  represents  Christ  Triumphant.  This  diptych  leaf  came  from 
the  monastery  of  Lorsch  to  the  Vatican  as  the  cover  of  the  Gospels  of 
Lorsch,  which  also  belongs  to  the  Godescalc  group  of  manuscripts.43 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  three  similar  representations  of  Christ  tram- 
pling on  the  lion  and  the  dragon,  the  asp  and  the  basilisk  should  all  present 
the  same  type  and,  at  the  same  time,  should  each  one  bear  some  resem- 
blance or  relation  to  the  miniatures  of  the  Godescalc  school.  The  scene 
on  the  Bodleian  cover,  irrespective  of  the  other  scenes,  from  this  analogy 
with  the  Godescalc  miniatures  and  its  similarity  to  the  Genoels-Elderen 
diptych,  would  appear  to  date  the  ivory  at  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  or 
at  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century  and  would  place  its  execution  some- 
where in  the  north  of  France.  Whether  the  cover  was  actually  done  at  this 
time  or  was  a prototype  for  the  Carolingian  scenes,  as  those  who  date  the 
cover  early  must  assume,  is  a question  answered  elsewhere  in  my  discussion 
of  the  iconography  and  style  of  the  rest  of  the  Bodleian  ivory  (p.  254). 

42  Humphreys  and  Jones,  The  Illuminated  Books  of  the  Middle  Ages,  pi.  II. 

43  Leprieur  in  Michel’s  Histoire  de  I’ art,  I,  p.  338. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


*59 


XIX 

SUMMARY  OF  THE  SCHOOLS  OF  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ART 

Although  unable  to  assert  that  early  Christian  iconography  was  an 
exact  science,  governed  by  consistent  rules  of  composition,  even  in  the 
sense  that  Byzantine  iconography  of  the  eleventh  century  approached  the 
exactitude  of  a science  in  its  formulae  of  representation,  I feel  that  the 
preceding  pages  have  justified  an  iconographic  classification  of  the  early 
Christian  schools  of  art.  In  the  case  of  each  Biblical  scene  that  has  been 
studied  the  same  monuments,  as  the  varying  methods  of  representation 
on  them  were  allowed  to  divide  into  groups,  fell  within  approximately 
the  same  classification  and  logically  grouped  themselves  around  a few 
monuments  of  known  provenience  in  the  separate  schools.  Before  closing, 
then,  this  study  of  early  Christian  methods  of  Biblical  representation,  it 
may  prove  valuable  to  gather  together  the  results  and  in  a brief  summary 
to  view  the  iconography  of  each  individual  school  as  a whole. 

The  Hellenistic,  the  Oriental-Hellenistic,  the  Provencal,  the  Alexan- 
drian-Coptic,  the  Palestinian-Coptic,  the  Syrian  and  the  proto-Byzantine 
schools,  into  which  I have  divided  the  Christian  art  of  the  first  seven 
centuries  of  this  era,  are  from  necessity  rather  broadly  inclusive  and  inca- 
pable of  being  exactly  bounded  and  limited.  They  are  in  most  cases  not  so 
much  schools  as  sets  of  types  which  were  popular  in  or  emanated  from  cer- 
tain regions  during  certain  centuries.  Yet  in  such  cases  as  the  Provencal  and 
the  Alexandrian-Coptic  they  represent  very  specific  schools  and  as  schools, 
in  which  the  area  of  artistic  activity  was  somewhat  limited  and  consistent, 
it  is  perhaps  permissible  to  treat  them  all. 

The  Hellenistic  type,  as  characteristic  of  what  we  may  loosely  call 
a Hellenistic  school,  is  by  far  the  most  difficult  to  define.  Since  it  is  ex- 
clusively the  Hellenistic  type  that  appears  in  the  catacomb  frescoes  and 
on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome,  it  is  commonly  recognized  as  a Western  type 
and  as  evidence  of  a Western  school.  That,  however,  does  not  prove 
that  it  was  of  Western  origin.  When  Christianity  was  born,  an  Eastern 
cult  in  an  Eastern  land,  the  civilized  world  was  under  classical  domina- 
tion ; a neo-Greek  veneer  of  manners,  customs,  literature,  and  art  over- 
spread the  whole  Mediterranean  world  and  the  new  faith,  seeking  a 
means  of  expression  in  literature  and  art.  found  at  hand  only  Hellenistic 


160  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

models  and  types.  At  once  it  found  that  the  rational,  material  character 
of  classical  art  was  hardly  suitable  for  the  expression  of  its  new  ideals. 
The  artist  could  not  render  in  stone  or  paint  a comprehensible  expression 
of  the  omnipotent  power,  the  everlasting  love,  and  the  infinite  grace  of 
the  Father;  neither  could  he  so  much  as  sketch  the  soul,  which  was 
fundamental  to  the  Christian  faith,  nor  adequately  express  the  neces- 
sarily indefinite  blessings  of  the  hereafter  where  the  weary  soul  would 
find  peace.  Even  the  spirituality  of  the  Saviour  evaded  the  concise  and 
material  limitations  of  the  sculptor's  chisel,  while  to  portray  Eternal  Salva- 
tion, which  above  all  others  was  the  appealing  promise  that  awoke  the 
fettered  imagination  of  a pagan  world  to  new  hope,  the  artist  had  at  his 
command  only  the  expressive  forms  of  flesh  and  blood,  of  a rational  and 
material  world,  from  which  his  dominant  idea  was  to  escape. 

Realizing  the  value  and  the  necessity  of  the  pictorial  image  to  stir 
the  imagination  of  the  uneducated  and  simple  masses,  the  theologians 
turned  to  symbolism.  As  the  theological  writers,  especially  of  the 
Neoplatonic  school,  adopted  the  Hellenistic  figures  of  speech  and 
even  the  classical  philosophy  and,  by  allegory  and  analogy,  sought  to 
harmonize  them  with  the  new  faith,  so  the  artists,  under  the  direction 
of  the  theologians,  accepted  the  models  of  Hellenistic  art  and,  through  a 
symbolism  that  was  carefully  simplified,  explained,  and  stylized,  portrayed 
the  otherwise  inexpressible  ideals  and  yearnings  of  the  new  religion.  Thus 
the  young  Orpheus,  seated,  harp  in  hand,  amid  his  flock,  was  first  taken 
as  the  type  of  Christ,  the  Good  Shepherd;  the  more  common  Hellenistic 
forms  of  decoration,  as  putti  playing  in  the  branches  of  the  grapevine,  were 
given  a concise  Christian  significance  and  used  to  decorate  the  Christian 
edifices;  and  the  classical  banquet  scene  was  chosen  to  symbolize  the  joys 
of  the  Christian  Paradise.  In  the  great  Hellenistic  cities  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, largely  in  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Ephesus,  which  were  the 
earliest  theological  centres  of  the  new  faith,  a highly  symbolical  art  was 
evolved,  based  in  its  forms  on  classical  models. 

As  Christianity  rapidly  permeated  the  West,  taking  with  it  its  newly 
acquired  means  of  expression,  the  West,  primarily  concerned  at  the  time 
with  preserving  and  spreading  the  faith  in  the  face  of  imperial  opposi- 
tion, readily  accepted  the  new  symbols,  which  by  their  simplicity  and 
classical  character  could  attract  little  attention  from  antagonistic  pagan- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


161 


ism  and  could  silently  preach  the  Christian  sermons  to  the  masses  of 
uneducated  but  devout  converts.  The  Hellenistic  type  developed  in 
the  West;  while  it  gradually  abandoned  the  more  obvious  Hellenistic 
models  and  was  constantly  enriched,  nevertheless,  when  Christianity  at 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  emerged  from  the  catacombs  to  be- 
come a state  religion,  the  Hellenistic  form  retained  its  highly  symbolical 
character,  remaining  essentially  simple  in  its  composition,  so  as  not  to 
obscure  the  spiritual  lesson  by  a too  realistic  rendering  of  the  material 
event,  and  preserving  also  in  a crude  way  the  feeling  for  classical  forms 
and  drapery. 

That  time,  wars,  fires,  and  earthquakes,  ravaging  the  great  Hellenistic 
cities  of  the  Orient,  have  completely  destroyed  nearly  all  the  monuments 
of  this  early  phase  of  Christian  art  in  the  East  and  that  only  in  the  Eternal 
City  have  the  Hellenistic  types  been  luckily  preserved  in  frescoes  and 
mosaics  and  on  sarcophagi,  has  led  to  the  old  assumption  that  Hel- 
lenistic Christian  art  originated  in  Rome.  Today  the  balance  of  judg- 
ment, regardless  of  the  meagre  evidence  that  remains,  is  inclining  strongly 
toward  the  Orient.  In  reality  Rome  loses  little  ; she  adopted  the  Hellen- 
istic types  of  Christian  art  and  made  them  hers;  she  changed,  enriched, 
and  formalized  them  and  hence  made  of  them  the  products  of  a Roman 
school.  At  Rome  the  Hellenistic  school  flourished  long  after  new  fashions, 
Oriental  rather  than  Hellenistic,  had  grown  up  in  the  East  and  were  work- 
ing westward  again  to  supplant  in  time  the  school  that  for  our  purposes 
we  may  now  call  Western. 

Hellenistic  Types 

The  symbolic,  dogmatic,  and  simple  character  of  this  school  will 
appear  in  a review  of  the  salient  features  of  the  iconographic  types  that 
have  been  studied  in  this  volume  and,  of  those  scenes  that  appear  in  the 
frescoes  and  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome,  the  following  are  among  the 
most  common  and  significant : 

The  Nativity.1 

In  some  ways  a misnomer,  the  Nativity  in  the  Hellenistic  type  was 
not  so  much  a representation  of  the  Birth  as  it  was  a pictorial  sermon 
confirming  the  universal  worship  that  was  accorded  to  the  Saviour  by 
the  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  natural  world.  Five  groups  appear  within  this 
1 See  p.  14. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


162 

type:  (1)  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  occurs,  without  any  other 
elements  in  the  composition,  as  symbolic  of  the  worship  of  the  natural 
world;  (2)  the  shepherds  are  introduced  into  the  previous  composition 
and  their  theological  significance,  as  typifying  the  Adoration  of  the  Jews, 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Child  lies  either  upon  the  ground  or  on 
an  altar;  (3)  the  manger  or  crib  is  added  and  the  scene  is  figured 
in  the  traditional  Western  shed  with  open  sides  and  front;  (4)  the  Virgin, 
sitting  apart  from  the  Child  who  lies  in  His  crib,  is  introduced;  (5)  the 
three  Magi,  adoring  the  Child  as  He  lies  in  His  manger,  or  crib,  are  figured 
in  the  scene. 

The  Adoration  of  the  Magi.2 

The  Magi  in  this  type  are  beardless  and,  with  the  exception  of  a few 
early  examples  in  the  catacombs  where  they  are  arranged  symmetrically 
on  either  side  of  the  Virgin,  they  advance  with  their  gifts  in  a line;  the 
young  Jesus,  a child  of  two  years,  sits  in  the  lap  of  the  Virgin  who  is 
figured  either  in  a three-quarters  posture  or  in  profile;  as  a rule  Joseph 
is  omitted. 

The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents ,3 

The  only  example  of  this  scene  in  the  Hellenistic  school  occurs  in  the 
arch  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore.  The  classical  restraint  of  this 
period  of  art,  when  symbolism  rather  than  realism  governed  the  repre- 
sentation of  scenes  and  prohibited  the  rendering  of  passion,  is  manifest 
in  this  representation ; instead  of  depicting  the  actual  massacre,  as  was 
the  custom  in  the  East,  the  Hellenistic  artist  represented  the  children  as 
hopeful  martyrs  awaiting  execution  in  their  mothers'  arms. 

The  Baptism .4 

Essentially  symbolic  with  the  same  significance  in  all  communities, 
the  Baptism  shows  a marked  uniformity  in  all  schools.  In  the  Hellenistic 
type,  however,  Jesus  is  always  beardless,  is  represented  as  a small  child, 
and  is  never  immersed  in  the  water  more  than  to  His  knees;  John  the 
Baptist  is  dressed  in  an  exomis  or  perizoma  in  the  catacombs  and  on  the 
sarcophagi  generally  wears  the  pallium  instead  of  the  shepherd’s  garment; 
while  not  always  depicted  as  such,  the  Jordan  as  a waterfall  behind  the 
Saviour  is  characteristic  of  this  type. 


2 See  p.  38. 


3 See  p.  60. 


4 See  p.  73- 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


163 

The  Miracle  of  Cana.5 

Christ,  never  accompanied  by  more  than  one  disciple,  touches  with  His 
wand  the  jars  of  water  which  vary  in  number  from  one  to  seven.  During 
the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  this  scene  gained  great  theological  import- 
ance in  the  West  and,  in  combination  with  the  Miracle  of  the  Loaves  and 
Pishes,  became  a symbol  of  the  Eucharistic  transubstantiation. 

The  Healing  of  the  Blind.6 

While  not  common  enough  in  either  the  East  or  the  West  to  show 
any  strikingly  distinct  characteristics,  the  Hellenistic  type  depicts  a single 
blind  man,  small  of  stature,  as  compared  to  Christ,  and  sometimes  carry- 
ing a staff.  It  represents  the  Saviour  either  touching  the  blind  man  on 
the  eyes  or  laying  a hand  on  his  head. 

The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.7 

This  scene  of  deliverance  symbolized  the  Baptism  and  although  com- 
mon in  the  Hellenistic  school  it  manifests  no  single  and  distinct  type. 
In  the  catacomb  frescoes  the  paralytic  usually  carries  his  bed  upside  down 
on  his  shoulders  and  Christ  is  omitted  from  the  composition ; on  the 
sarcophagi  the  paralytic  is  always  small,  and  stands  in  profile  at  the  feet 
of  Christ  holding  his  bed  with  the  legs  hanging  down  his  back. 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus.8 

The  Hellenistic  group,  appearing  on  Western  monuments,  subdivides 
into  five  variants  of  the  general  type.  With  the  exception  of  the  first  and 
fifth  variants,  the  uniform  characteristics  of  the  Hellenistic  type  show 
Christ  touching  with  His  wand  the  figure  of  Lazarus  who,  wrapped  like  a 
mummy,  his  head  covered  with  a cloth,  stands  in  the  doorway  of  a little 
gabled  aedicula  set  upon  a podium.  The  sub-groups  are  characterized  as 
follows:  (1)  in  a few  of  the  earliest  examples  Lazarus  sometimes  lies 
on  the  steps  of  the  aedicula  and  is  seldom  represented  as  a mummy;  (2) 
this  group  includes  the  majority  of  examples  and  shows  only  the  uniform 
characteristics  of  the  Hellenistic  type  as  a whole;  (3)  one  of  the  sisters 
of  Lazarus,  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  Christ,  is  added  to  the  composition; 
1 4 ) the  second  sister,  standing  at  the  side  of  the  Saviour,  is  introduced ; 
(51  in  a unique  and  highly  symbolical  type  appearing  only  on  the 


5 See  p.  85. 


e See  p.  95 


See  p.  103. 


8 See  p.  109. 


1 64  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

“Roman  glass,”  Lazarus,  wrapped  like  a mummy  with  his  head  bare, 
leans  against  a kind  of  foliate  growth. 

The  Entry  into  Jerusalem.9 

The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Hellenistic  type  is  the  manner  of 
representing  Christ  riding  astride  instead  of  sidewise.  As  in  all  the  West- 
ern types,  only  the  actual  essentials  of  the  scene  are  figured : as  a rule 
the  disciples  who  accompanied  Christ  are  reduced  to  one;  the  city,  and  the 
multitude  who  came  forth,  bearing  palms  to  greet  the  Saviour,  are  omitted; 
and  the  whole  acclamation  of  Christ  as  King  is  symbolized  by  the  single 
figure  of  a youth  plucking  palm  branches  in  the  top  of  a tree  and  by  a man 
who  spreads  his  mantle  beneath  the  feet  of  the  ass. 

The  Last  Supper.19 

It  does  not  exist  in  the  Hellenistic  school.  As  there  was  no  significance 
in  the  Last  Supper  to  the  early  Christians  save  as  it  symbolized  the 
Eucharistic  Transubstantiation,  which  was  commonly  represented  by  the 
Multiplication  of  the  Loaves  and  the  Fishes,  the  scene  does  not  occur  in 
the  West  until  Eastern  influence  gave  it  an  historical  value. 

^ ^ ^ 

The  Oriental-Hellenistic  scenes  do  not  mark  the  existence  of  a school. 
They  represent  only  the  first  breaking  down  of  the  symbolic  Hellenistic 
types,  due  to  the  gradual  dissolution  of  Hellenistic  influence  in  the  East 
and  the  resultant  tendency  of  the  Orient,  from  the  end  of  the  fourth 
century,  to  assert  in  art  its  indigenous  and  racial  characteristics.  While 
this  assertion  of  Oriental  tendencies  commenced  at  the  close  of  the  fourth 
century,  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  that  clearly 
distinguishable  Eastern  schools  appeared  in  the  Eastern  provinces  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  In  the  interim  between  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  and 
the  opening  of  the  sixth  century,  the  transition  was  gradual;  no  sharp  lines 
of  demarcation  are  apparent,  for  art  still  continued  to  follow  Hellen- 
istic models.  The  first  suggestion  of  approaching  change  appears  in  the 
Oriental  cast  that  is  given  to  what  would  otherwise  be  traditional  Hellen- 
istic types.  These  types,  slightly  modified  by  compositional  details,  which 
are  later  to  be  characteristic  of  Eastern  types,  make  up  the  group  that  I 
have  called  Oriental-Hellenistic. 

As  the  process  of  Orientalizing  the  Hellenistic  Christian  art  in  the  East 


9 See  p.  123. 


in  See  p.  129. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  165 

developed  more  slowly  in  some  localities  and  artistic  forms  than  in  others 
where  the  Hellenistic  traditions  persisted  with  less  tenacity,  the  presence  of 
Oriental-Hellenistic  types  offers  no  criterion  for  date  or  even  for  pro- 
venience. They  only  signify  a development  that  was  going  on  in  Christian 
art  under  Eastern  influences.  In  fact,  certain  monuments  preserve  these 
types  as  late  as  the  seventh  century,  although  as  a rule  the  types  are  char- 
acteristic of  the  fifth  century.  In  the  fifth  century  the  doors  of  Santa 
Sabina  at  Rome  show  in  certain  Oriental-Hellenistic  types  the  change  that 
was  taking  place,  while  in  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  these  renderings 
are  almost  consistently  continued  on  a gold  encolpium  in  the  Museum 
at  Constantinople.  The  noticeable  iconographic  isolation  of  many  of  the 
marginal  miniatures  of  the  Rabula  Gospels  denotes  this  same  attempt  to 
Orientalize  Hellenistic  types.  Unlike  the  full  page  miniatures  of  these 
Gospels,  which  are  known  to  have  been  written  in  586  A.  D.  at  the  Syrian 
monastery  of  Zagba.  the  iconography  of  the  marginal  miniatures  does  not 
adhere  to  any  one  type ; while  the  full  page  scenes  are  obviously  Eastern 
in  iconography  and  show  certain  affinities  with  Byzantine  art,11  the 
marginal  scenes  present  both  Eastern  and  Oriental-Hellenistic  types. 
In  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  the  rendering  reverts  to  the  old 
catacomb  method  and  depicts  the  paralytic  carrying  his  bed  upside  down 
on  his  back;  the  scene  of  the  Nativity,  while  different  from  the  recognized 
Hellenistic  type  in  the  West,  especially  in  the  absence  from  the  composi- 
tion of  the  ox  and  the  ass,  is  not  wholly  Oriental,  since  the  Virgin  does 
not  recline  in  Eastern  fashion  on  a mattress;  and  yet  the  representations 
of  the  Baptism,  the  Miracle  of  Cana,  the  Samaritan  Woman  at  the  Well, 
and  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  are  Eastern  types,  while  the  Healing 
of  the  Blind  and  the  liturgical  rendering  of  the  Communion  are  related  to 
proto-Byzantine  types  in  the  Rossano  Gospels.  This  mingling  of  types 
and  preservation  of  Hellenistic  details  of  iconography  in  so  famous  a 
monument  as  the  Rabula  Gospels,  shows  how  gradual  and  almost  organic 
was  the  growth  of  Eastern  iconography. 

Oriental-Hellenistic  Types 

The  types  which  I have  classified  as  Oriental-Hellenistic  are  the  fol- 
lowing : 

11  It  is  possible  that  the  full  page  miniatures  are  later  than  the  marginal  miniatures 
in  the  text  (Reil,  BUdzyklcn  dcs  Lcbnis  Jesu,  p.  78). 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 66 

The  Nativity.12 

All  Eastern  representations  of  the  Nativity  are  distinguished  from  the 
Hellenistic  type  in  the  West  by  the  absence  of  the  manger  shed.  The 
earliest  and  briefest  example  of  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  Nativity  is  found 
on  a marble  relief  of  Naxos  of  the  third  or  fourth  century.  On  two  late 
encolpia,  one  in  the  Museum  at  Constantinople  and  the  other  in  Reggio, 
and  a gold  medallion  from  Akmim  the  scene  takes  place  in  the  open  ac- 
cording to  the  Eastern  manner,  although,  after  one  of  the  common  Hellen- 
istic methods  of  representation,  the  Virgin  and  Joseph  are  still  omitted  and 
only  the  Adoration  of  the  animals  and  the  shepherds  is  figured.  The  most 
developed  type  is  found  on  the  Strzygowski  medallion  (p.  23)  with  its 
addition  of  the  figure  of  Joseph. 

The  Adoration  of  the  Magi.13 

The  main  distinction  between  the  Adoration  scenes  of  the  East  and 
the  West  is  the  aspect  of  the  Magi,  who  in  the  West  are  beardless,  while 
on  Eastern  monuments  they  are  either  all  bearded  or  are  differentiated 
in  age,  the  first  Magus  being  heavily  bearded,  the  second  lightly,  and  the 
last  beardless.  On  several  encolpia  and  ivories,  including  the  encolpium 
at  Constantinople,  the  Adoration,  with  the  exception  of  the  three  bearded 
Magi,  follows  the  Hellenistic  type  in  that  it  does  not  include  Joseph  in  the 
composition  and  represents  the  Magi  advancing  in  a line. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana.11 

In  the  case  of  this  scene  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type,  where  one 
servant,  pouring  the  water  into  the  jars,  is  added  to  the  Hellenistic  type, 
is  really  an  Oriental-Hellenistic  type  although  it  became  one  of  the  tradi- 
tional types  in  Coptic  art. 

The  Healing  of  the  Blind.15 

Without  any  changes  the  Hellenistic  type,  where  Christ  usually 
touches  the  eyes  of  the  blind  man,  who  is  small  in  stature  and  sometimes 
carries  a staff,  occurs  on  the  encolpium  in  Constantinople,  and  also  on  the 
Brescia  casket  and  a pyxis  at  Bologna,  both  of  which  are  attributed  to 
Eastern  sources. 

12  See  p.  22.  13  See  p.  47. 

14  See  p.  88.  13  See  p.  97. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


167 

The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic A3 

Again  the  Hellenistic  type  common  on  the  catacomb  walls  and  sar- 
cophagi of  Rome  occurs  in  a few  Eastern  examples,  as  the  Rabula  Gospels 
and  the  Constantinople  encolpium,  and  on  the  Bologna  pyxis  to  which  has 
been  attributed  an  Alexandrian  origin. 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus 

The  Oriental-Hellenistic  type  of  this  scene  is  only  distinguished  from 
the  Hellenistic  by  minor  changes  of  detail  which  differ  in  the  various 
examples.  The  one  feature  that  differentiates  the  scene  on  the  Brescia 
casket  from  the  Hellenistic  type  is  the  bare  head  of  Lazarus;  on  reliefs 
found  in  Phrygia  and  Sbeitla  (Tunisie),  and  on  two  sarcophagi  of  the 
fourth  century  at  Ravenna  we  find,  instead  of  the  regular  Hellenistic  aedi- 
cula,  a tomb  of  which  the  fagade,  with  an  arched  lintel,  is  represented  in 
strict  frontality;  on  a relief  of  Constantinople  the  only  variation  from 
the  regular  type  is  the  fact  that  the  Hellenistic  aedicula  is  depicted  in 
frontality  after  the  Eastern  manner  of  representation. 

The  resume  at  this  point  should  include  a summary  of  the  iconographic 
features  of  the  Provengal  school  which  in  its  blending  of  Hellenistic  types 
and  Oriental  influences  represents  the  same  transitional  tendency  in  Chris- 
tian art  which  formulated  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  types.  As  the  second 
part  of  this  volume  is  devoted  to  a study  of  the  Provengal  school,  to  save 
unnecessary  repetition  I will  pass  directly  to  an  Oriental  school,  the  Alex- 
andrian-Coptic. 

The  Alexandrian-Coptic  school,  in  its  beginnings,  represents  a localized 
and  specific  manifestation  of  a transitional  phase  again  analogous  to, 
though  more  pronouncedly  Oriental  than,  the  Oriental-Hellenistic.  The 
designation  of  the  school  at  once  announces  its  Alexandrian  origin  and 
its  subsequent  continuation  in  the  indigenous  art  of  Upper  Egypt.  I have 
already  referred  to  the  theory,  first  advanced  by  Ainaloff,  that  Alex- 
andria was  the  great  centre  of  the  East  where  the  Hellenistic  types 
and  motives  of  Christian  art  were  formulated,  given  their  specific  sym- 
bolic meaning,  and  transmitted  to  Rome  to  eventually  become  the  basis 
of  a Western  school  of  Christian  art. 

\\  hile  not  everywhere  accepted,  such  a theory  is  reasonable  and  very 

15  See  p.  104.  1'  See 


p.  1 14. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 68 

probable.  Rich  in  a flourishing  commerce  which  brought  her  tribute  from 
all  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  and  even  from  the  distant  lands  of  the 
East,  Alexandria,  even  in  Christian  times,  was  famous  for  the  magnificence 
of  her  edifices,  the  profusion  and  picturescjueness  of  her  art,  and  the 
wealth  of  her  learning;  to  her  unsurpassed  library  she  owed  a great  school 
of  erudition  and  a prodigious  literary  activity;  and  up  to  the  time  that 
the  Arabs  captured  the  city  she  was  a veritable  centre  of  Hellenistic  cul- 
ture. With  the  advent  of  Christianity  and  from  the  end  of  the  second 
century,  with  Clement,  to  the  third  century,  with  Origen  and  the  Neo- 
platonists,  she  was  a formative  source  of  Patristic  theology.  There  the 
Christian  theologians,  still  inspired  by  Greek  models  and  classic  philosophy, 
sought  to  harmonize  the  spiritual  infinitudes  of  Christianity  with  the 
rational  philosophy  of  the  ancients  and  to  seek  through  allegory  a revela- 
tion of  the  New  Testament  in  the  prophecies  of  the  Old.  Hence 
in  Christian  literature  and  philosophy  there  grew  up  in  Alexandria  a 
school  of  theology  founded  on  mysticism,  allegory,  and  symbolism  which 
boldly  adopted  Hellenistic  models  only  to  imbue  them  with  Christian 
meaning.  Certainly  no  better  soil  could  be  found  to  which  to  attribute 
the  incubation  of  Hellenistic  Christian  art,  which  in  its  turn  is  also  an 
adaptation  of  Hellenistic  models  made  serviceable  to  the  needs  of  Chris- 
tianity by  the  intricate  symbolism  read  into  their  classic  forms. 

Through  the  first  part  of  the  fourth  century  the  role  of  Alexandria 
continued  to  become  more  celebrated.  There  Arianism  was  born;  thence, 
from  the  reaction  against  Nestorianism,  the  Monophysite  heresy  spread 
throughout  the  Oriental  world.  By  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  how- 
ever, Christianity  developed  as  a manifestation  of  national  spirit  and  the 
heresies  were  largely  a form  of  separation — a violent  reaction  against 
Roman  domination  and  hence  against  Hellenism,  as  the  imposed  culture 
of  another  civilization. 

From  time  immemorial  tradition  was  the  dominant  factor  in  the  de- 
velopment, or  rather  sterilized  preservation,  of  Egyptian  art.  While 
Alexandria  could  flourish,  for  a time,  as  the  capital  of  Hellenism  and 
could  even  spread  the  culture  and  art  of  the  Greeks  across  the  soil  of  the 
Pharaohs,  the  veneer  was  thin  and  the  heart  of  the  country  remained 
inherently  Egyptian,  unalterably  imbued  with  the  ancient  traditions  of 
the  land.  When  Christianity  triumphed  and  spread  up  the  valley  of  the 
Nile,  it  was  accepted  as  a sign  of  the  renaissance  of  national  tendencies 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


169 

and  aspirations  and  spread  as  a reaction,  and  finally  almost  as  a revolt, 
against  Hellenistic  domination.  During  the  closing  years  of  the  fourth 
and  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  this  reaction  actually  broke  forth; 
the  destruction  of  the  Serapeum,  the  death  of  Hypatia,  and  the  violent 
leadership  of  the  nationalists  under  Schnoudi,  bear  witness  to  the  hostility 
of  the  new  faith  to  Hellenism. 

With  this  awakening  of  national  feeling,  the  centre  of  Christian  art 
passed  from  Alexandria  to  the  monastic  communities  of  Upper  Egypt  and 
the  old  traditions  of  Pharaonic  art  reasserted  themselves  in  the  pictorial 
representations  of  Christianity.  Originality,  however,  was  never  a char- 
acteristic of  Egyptian  art.  The  creative  faculty  had  long  since  succumbed 
to  the  tyranny  of  immutable  tradition.  The  native  art  offered  few  accept- 
able forms  when  pressed  by  the  necessity  of  finding  expression  for  Christian 
ideals.  It  was  only  the  spirit  of  the  old  art  that  was  revived  in  the  new. 
Above  all  else,  it  was  the  inherent,  non-artistic  attitude  of  mind  of  the 
Egyptian,  still  continuing  to  view  pictorial  form  not  as  art  but  as  cold  and 
lifeless  hieroglyphs — satisfactory  if  expressive — that  gave  to  the  native 
Coptic  art  of  Upper  Egypt  its  character.  Under  this  non-artistic  tradition 
all  classical  beauty  of  form  was  abandoned  and  all  pride  in  execution  was 
lost  Coptic  art  became  coarse,  crude,  and  sketchy  in  technique;  it  forsook 
the  freedom  and  naturalness  of  the  Hellenistic  rendering  of  the  human  fig- 
ure and  reverted  to  the  old  habits  of  frontality  and  the  static  rigidity  of 
Nilotic  prototypes.  Like  Pharaonic  art  before  it,  Coptic  art  became  con- 
ventional and  stylized,  a mere  backwater  in  the  history  of  artistic  de- 
velopment. 

Sterile  and  more  hieroglyphic  than  artistic,  this  Coptic  art  could 
originate  little  and  find  less  in  its  native  monuments  to  use  for  Christian 
expression.  It  therefore  had  many  ties  with  the  classic  Christian  art  of 
Alexandria.  The  ornament  and  style  of  Christian  art  in  the  Hellenistic 
capital,  although  it  became  more  and  more  debased  and  Oriental  under 
the  introduction  of  Syrian  motives  and  ideas,  remained  neo-classic  until 
the  sixth  century,  when  the  artistic  activity  passed  up  the  Nile  to  such 
monastic  centres  as  Bawit,  el  Bagawat,  and  Sakkara.  During  the  transi- 
tion. especially  in  the  sixth  century,  Coptic  art  began  by  adopting  the 
Hellenistic  ornamental  forms  and  ignorantly  copying  the  style.  Both 
ornament  and  style,  however,  were  soon  coarsened  and  conventionalized 
and  the  ornament  enriched  bv  native  motives.  In  the  seventh  centurv. 


I/O 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


when  the  last  vestige  of  Hellenistic  style  had  almost  disappeared  and  the 
ornament  had  been  stylized  beyond  recognition,  the  iconography  originally 
emanating  from  Alexandria  persisted  still.  Although  Coptic  art  origi- 
nated a few  types  and  drew  others  from  Palestinian  sources,  as  I will 
show  in  the  discussion  of  the  Palestinian-Coptic  school,  by  far  the  greater 
part  of  the  Alexandrian  iconographic  types  were  continued  and,  with 
native  veneration  for  the  hieroglyphic  form,  were  conventionalized  and 
so  preserved  in  Coptic  art. 

The  most  important  and  the  most  prominent  monument  in  this  dis- 
semination of  Alexandrian  types  was  the  Maximianus  chair.  The  Egyp- 
tian origin  of  the  cathedra,  which  has  been  generally  accepted  and  the 
iconographic  proofs  of  which  I have  already  published,18  is  chiefly  demon- 
strated by  the  fact  that  practically  every  iconographic  type  occurring  on  the 
chair  appears  at  a later  date  on  assured  Coptic  monuments.  It  is  further 
established  by  the  nature  of  these  types  which  in  many  cases  may  be  shown 
to  have  been  of  Egyptian  origin  or  peculiar  to  Egyptian  art.  Moreover, 
in  the  costumes  of  the  soldiers,  in  the  treatment  of  the  hair,  in  decora- 
tion, and  in  style,  the  cathedra  is  analogous  to  frescoes  at  Bawit,  to 
the  Barberini  diptych,  the  St.  Menas  pyxis  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  numerous  ivory  and  wood  carvings  from  Egypt  in  the  Cairo, 
Berlin,  and  Paris  Museums.  Its  Alexandrian  origin,  once  its  con- 
nection with  Egypt  is  established,  becomes  certain.  The  beauty  and 
superior  character  of  its  execution,  the  reminiscences  in  many  of  its 
scenes  of  classical  motives  and  types,  the  similarity  that  its  ornament, 
style,  and  technique  bear  to  ivory  fragments  from  Alexandria,  and  the 
Hellenistic,  transitional  character  of  its  iconography,  all  point  to  its  exe- 
cution at  Alexandria,  the  mother  of  Hellenistic  Christian  art  and  the  great 
centre  of  the  ivory  trade  of  the  Orient. 

Accepting  the  sixth  century  as  the  customary  date  assigned  to  the 
cathedra,  although  it  might  have  been  carved  as  early  as  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century,  the  Maximianus  chair  is  to  be  considered  the  earliest  and  the 
most  pretentious  monument  of  a group  of  ivories  which  are  intimately 
related  to  it  in  style  and  iconography.  While  a large  number  of  ivories 
may  be  said  to  be  of  the  same  school  as  the  chair,19  the  ivory  book  covers 
of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels,  two  covers  in  the  Bibliotheque  Rationale 
at  Paris,  and  a carved  wooden  lintel  from  the  church  of  el  Mu’allaka  near 

18  In  American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  1917,  pp.  22-37. 

19  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  pp.  207-209. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


171 

Cairo  are  most  closely  connected  with  it.20  Clearly  based  upon  the  icono- 
graphy of  the  cathedra,  these  examples  of  sixth  century  art  are  more 
transitional  in  style,  less  Hellenistic  in  execution,  and  hence  a little  later 
in  date.  From  this  group  the  iconography,  soon  to  lose  all  Hellenistic 
style  and  technique,  passed  to  Upper  Egypt  and  was  continued  in  the 
frescoes  of  Antinoe  and  Bawit,  on  the  Coptic  ivories  of  the  Murano  book 


Fig.  144.  Ravenna  : Museum,  ivory  panel 

OF  CHAIR  OF  MAXIMIANUS.  The  ANNUNCIA- 
TION. 

cover  group,  and  on  the  medallions,  fabrics,  vestments,  lamps,  and  other 
minor  objects  from  the  Thebai'd. 

Alexaxdriax-Coptic  Types 

The  salient  features  of  these  iconographic  types  of  the  Alexandrian- 
Coptic  school  are  the  following: 

The  Annunciation. 

The  Annunciation  (Fig.  144),  as  it  occurs  on  the  chair  of  Max- 

Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’aicheologie  cliretienne  et  dc  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Caire,” 
fig-  1833. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


172 

imianus,  the  ivory  covers  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels  and  the  book  covers 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  depicts  an  angel  accosting  the  Virgin,  who 
sits  at  the  left  of  the  composition  in  a wicker  chair  spinning  the  purple 
veil  for  the  temple.  All  these  examples  are  nearly  identical  and  the 
Virgin,  with  her  spinning,  seated  in  a high  backed,  round  topped,  wicker 
chair  is  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  type.  This  type,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  examples  already  cited,  occurs  only  on  monuments  whose 
Coptic  origin  is  assured.  These  Coptic  monuments  are  a fragment  of 
the  Murano  book  covers  in  the  Stroganoff  Collection21  (Fig.  145),  an 


Fig.  145.  Rome:  Stroganoff  Collection, 

ivory  panel  from  Murano  book  covers.  The 
Annunciation. 


ivory  plaque  in  the  Uwaroff  Collection,22  a medallion  from  Egypt  in  the 
Gans  Collection  at  Berlin23  (Fig.  146),  a Coptic  textile  in  the  Vic- 
toria and  Albert  Museum,24  and  a fresco  at  Bawit.25  On  all,  save  the 


Fig.  146.  Berlin  : Antiouarium,  gold 
medallion  from  Egypt.  The  Annun- 
ciation. 


Fig.  147.  Monza:  ampulla.  The 
Annunciation. 


21  Graeven,  Elfenbeinwerke  ( Italien ),  no.  64. 

22  Strzygowski,  Byzantinische  Denkmaler,  I,  p.  43. 

23  Amtliche  Bcriclite  aus  den  Kgl.  Kunstsammlungen,  XXXV,  1913,  no.  3,  fig.  46;  Den- 
nison: Gold  Treasure  from  Egypt  ( Univ . of  Mich.  Studies,  Hum.  Ser.  XII),  p.  127. 

24  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  fig.  381.  23  Cledat,  Comptcs  Rendus,  1904,  p.  525. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


!73 

Stroganoff  fragment,  the  angel  carries  a cross  instead  of  a flowering  wand. 
The  presence  of  the  cross,  either  borne  by  angels  or  by  the  Saviour  in 
miracle  scenes,  is  an  Egyptian  feature.  Comparing  the  Annunciation  in 
Syrian  and  Palestinian  examples,  one  finds  on  the  Monza  phials  (Fig. 
147),  in  the  miniatures  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels,26  in  the  Rabula 
Gospels,27  and  in  a Syrian  miniature  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at 
Paris  (syr.  33)  that  the  Virgin  stands  as  the  angel  of  the  Lord  accosts 
her.  that  the  odd  wicker  chair  seen  on  the  Maximianus  chair  does  not 
occur,  and  that  the  Virgin  and  the  angel  wear  each  a nimbus. 

The  Test  of  the  Virgin  by  Water. 

This  scene,  which  occurs  on  the  chair  (Fig.  148)  and  the  related  book 
covers,  is  in  itself  an  Egyptian  type,  for  it  was  a rare  scene  in  early  Chris- 


Fig.  148.  Ravenna  : Museum,  ivory  panel 
of  chair  of  Maximianus.  The  Testing  of 
the  Virgin. 


tian  art  and,  save  for  these  examples,  occurs  only  on  the  Uwaroff  ivory 
and  the  fragment  of  the  Murano  covers  in  the  Stroganoff  Collection 
(Fig.  149). 

Joseph  Assured  By  An  Angel. 

While  occurring  on  a sarcophagus  of  Le  Puy  (see  Fig.  154)  and  on 
the  V erden  casket  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum  (see  Fig.  157) 

29  Strzygowski,  Byz.  Denk.,  I,  pi.  V/2. 


Garr.,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  pi.  130/1. 


174 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


which  I have  attributed  to  Provence, 2S  a region  whose  relations  with 
Egypt  will  be  pointed  out,29  this  scene  was  even  rarer  than  the  Test 
by  Water  and  may  also  be  called  Alexandrian-Coptic.  The  only  other 
examples  known  to  me,  on  the  Maximianus  Chair  (Fig.  150)  and  in  the 
frescoes  at  Antinoe30  (Fig.  151),  are  strikingly  analogous. 

The  Journey  to  Bethlehem. 

This  scene,  besides  appearing  on  the  cathedra,  the  book  covers,  and 
a pyxis  from  Minden  in  the  Berlin  Museum  (Fig.  152),  that  belongs  to 
the  Maximianus  group,  also  occurs  on  the  Stroganoff  fragment  of  the 
Murano  covers  and  in  the  frescoes  of  the  church  of  De'ir  Abou  Hennvs 


at  Antinoe  (Fig.  1 5 1 ) . The  similarity  of  these  last  two  Coptic  examples, 
in  which  Joseph  supports  the  pregnant  Virgin  on  the  animal  that  an  angel 
leads,  is  too  close  to  the  rendering  on  the  chair  and  too  rare  a scene  in 
Christian  art  not  to  suggest  that  it  originated  in  Egypt,  preferably  in 
Alexandria,  whence  it  passed  to  become  a characteristic  type  in  Coptic 
art. 

The  Nativity?1 

The  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  of  the  Nativity  which  occurs  on  the 
chair  is  characterized  by  the  introduction  of  the  doubting  midwife  Salome 
into  what  would  otherwise  be  a general  Oriental  type.  The  Christ  Child, 
wrapped  like  a mummy,  lies  on  a stone  or  brick  crib  as  in  the  Provengal 
Nativities,  and  the  ox  and  the  ass  adore  Him;  on  one  side  stands  Joseph 
and  on  the  other  Mary  reclines  on  a mattress;  either  in  front  of  the  crib 

28  See  p.  221  sq.  29  See  p.  192  sq. 

30  Leclercq,  op.  cit.,  s.  v.  “Ane,”  col.  2058,  fig.  599.  31  See  p.  23. 


Fig.  149.  Rome:  Stroganoff  Collection, 

IVORY  PANEL  FROM  MURANO  BOOK  COVER.  THE 
Testing  of  the  Virgin. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


i/5 


or  before  Mary,  kneels  Salome,  extending  her  withered  arm  in  suppli- 
cation to  the  Yirgin.  This  distinctive  rendering,  whose  Egyptian  origin 
has  been  shown  from  the  Coptic  emphasis  on  Salome  in  the  apocryphal 
literature  of  the  country,  occurs  not  only  on  several  Coptic  pyxides  but 
also  in  the  frescoes  at  Bawit  and  on  the  Manchester  fragment  of  the 
Murano  book  covers. 

The  Adoration  of  the  Magi.32 

The  salient  feature  of  the  type  is  the  introduction  of  an  angel,  carry- 
ing a wand,  who  points  out  the  Christ  Child  to  the  Magi.  These  adoring 
Magi  advance  in  a line  and,  after  the  method  on  all  Eastern  representa- 
tions. are  differentiated  one  from  another  by  their  beards.  Their  costume. 


Fig.  150.  Ravenna:  Museum,  ivory  panel 
OF  CHAIR  OF  MAXIMIANUS.  The  AnGEL  AP- 
PEARING to  Joseph  and  the  Journey  to 
Bethlehem. 

with  heavy  bands  of  embroidery  running  down  the  sleeves  of  their  blouses 
and  their  long  trousers,  is  characteristic  of  the  type  and  peculiar  to  Egypt. 
The  Yirgin  sits  in  a three-quarter  pose  in  a high  backed,  round  topped, 
wicker  chair,  similar  to  the  chair  seen  in  the  Annunciation.  While 
this  type,  which  appears  on  the  Maximianus  Chair  and  the  Etschmiadzin 
covers,  occurs  on  two  Coptic  textiles  and  a medallion  from  Egypt,  it  was 
not  common  in  the  native  art.  as  the  more  Oriental  type  of  the  Adoration 
from  Palestine  was  adopted  on  most  of  the  Coptic  monuments. 

32  See  p.  48. 


176  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents ,33 

This  scene  as  it  appeared  on  the  Maximianus  chair  and  later  in  the 
frescoes  at  Antinoe  and  Bawit  was  the  characteristic  “sword  type”  of 
the  Orient. 

The  Baptism.3* 

The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  type  is  the  introduction  of  the  per- 
sonified Jordan  as  a fleeing  river  god,  although  the  presence  of  one  or 
more  angels  as  attendants  is  also  characteristic.  On  the  Maximianus 
Chair  and  an  Alexandrian  ivory  in  the  British  Museum,  Christ  is  small 
and  beardless  but  in  the  representation  in  the  Bawit  frescoes  he  is  bearded 
after  the  Syro-Palestinian  type. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana.35 

This  is  a “transitional  type”  where  a single  servant,  pouring  the 
water  into  the  six  jars,  is  added  to  the  old  Hellenistic  type  in  which  Christ, 


Fig.  i 5 i . Antinoe:  fresco.  The  Angel 
Appearing  to  Joseph  and  the  Journey  to 
Bethlehem. 


as  a magician,  touches  the  jars  with  His  wand.  Besides  occurring  on  the 
Maximianus  chair,  this  semi-historical  type  appears  on  the  Gans  medallion 
from  Egypt. 

The  Healing  of  the  Blind.36 

This  is  simply  a continuation  of  the  Hellenistic  type,  with  the  added 
feature  of  the  Coptic  cross  which  Christ  carries  in  miracle  scenes;  it  ap- 
pears in  both  the  group  which  imitated  the  style  of  the  Maximianus  chair, 
and  that  which  is  connected  with  the  book  cover  from  Murano. 


33  See  p.  62. 
35  See  p.  88. 


34  See  p.  79. 
36  See  p.  98. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


i/7 


The  Raising  of  Lazarus? 7 

Again  the  rendering  does  not  differ  materially  from  the  Hellenistic 
type  save  in  the  added  feature  of  the  cross  that  Christ  carries.  While 
this  type  occurs  on  a few  Egyptian  examples  besides  the  Maximianus  chair 
and  the  book  covers,  there  was  another  and  more  clearly  Coptic  type  that 
was  popular  in  Upper  Egypt  and  will  be  described  under  the  Palestinian- 
Coptic  school. 

The  Entry  into  Jerusalem ,3S 

The  type  differs  from  all  other  renderings  in  the  long  carpet  which  is 
unrolled,  instead  of  a mantle,  in  the  pathway  of  the  Saviour.  The  East- 
ern character  of  the  scene  is  shown  in  the  sidewise  manner  in  which 
Christ  rides  on  the  ass.  while  the  representations  of  the  Maximianus 
group  and  the  carved  lintel  from  the  church  of  el  Mu'allaka  near  Cairo,  are 


Fig.  152.  Berlin:  Museum,  ivory 
PYXIS  FROM  MlXDEN.  The  JOURNEY 
to  Bethlehem. 

bound  together  by  the  odd.  high  stepping  movement  of  the  ass.  In  the 
scenes  on  the  Maximianus  chair  and  the  Etschmiadzin  covers  Christ 
carries  a cross,  the  Egyptian  symbol  of  divinity. 

ijc  # 

In  the  general  reassertion  of  national  tendencies  and  the  awakening 
of  Oriental  ideas  that  followed  the  triumph  of  Christianity  and  the  gradual 
dissolution  of  Hellenism,  Syria  and  especially  Palestine  were  centres  as 
influential  in  the  formation  of  Orientalized  Christian  art  as  they  were 
in  the  evolution  of  the  Christian  faith,  its  forms,  liturgies,  and  literature. 
As  the  Syrian  Church  separated  more  and  more  from  the  Western  Church, 
as  new  feasts  were  observed,  and,  after  the  Council  of  Ephesus  in  431, 

3-  See  p.  126. 


See  p.  1 1 7. 


i/8 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


as  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  became  authorized  and  universal  throughout 
the  eastern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  Christianity  in  Syria  rapidly 
accpiired  an  indigenous  character.  Heresies  sprang  up  and  the  Oriental 
aversion  to  the  impersonality  of  the  Hellenized  forms  of  Christianity  gave 
rise  to  a large  body  of  literature  that  afforded  a narrative  and  personal  ac- 
count of  the  miracles  and  lives  of  the  Virgin  and  Christ.  The  formation 
of  new  feasts  and  liturgies,  the  creation  of  cjuasi-historical  stories 
about  the  Biblical  characters,  and,  above  all,  the  reaction  against  the  cold 
impersonality  of  Hellenistic  symbolism,  developed  new  types  in  art. 
New  scenes  arose  around  the  feasts  and  liturgies,  from  the  apocryphal 
gospels  came  a more  narrative  art  wherein  the  miracles  and  events  in  the 
life  of  the  Saviour  were  less  symbolically  and  more  picturescpiely  repre- 
sented and  the  Virgin  received  a more  important  role.  In  place 
of  the  impersonal  Christ,  the  young  and  unbearded  Hellenistic  type, 
was  substituted  an  historical  and  mature  representation  of  the  Saviour, 
with  bearded  face  in  the  Passion  scenes  or  those  symbolic  of  divinity;  the 
apostles  were  more  carefully  characterized;  and  the  Virgin  was  universally 
conceived  as  a woman  of  sorrowful  maturity  with  a long  face  and  a 
heavy  veil. 

The  new  spirit  animating  Christianity  not  only  manifested  itself  in 
the  gospel  miniatures,  which  are  exemplified  for  us  in  the  Etschmiadzin 
Gospels,  but  also  found  monumental  expression  in  the  mosaics  and  frescoes 
that  decorated  the  celebrated  sanctuaries  erected  by  Constantine  in  Pales- 
tine. Christian  piety  drew  the  devout  in  throngs  from  all  parts  of 
the  Christian  world  to  these  holy  places  so  intimately  associated  with  the 
memory  of  the  Saviour.  At  the  hands  of  these  returning  pilgrims  and 
by  means  of  reliquaries,  ampullae  filled  with  holy  oil,  and  other  minor  ob- 
jects of  the  cult  which  were  sold  at  the  shrines  and  apparently  decorated  with 
more  or  less  faithful  copies  of  the  scenes  in  the  sanctuaries,  the  composi- 
tions of  the  mosaics  and  frescoes  of  the  Holy  Land  were  spread  through- 
out the  East  and  subsequently  into  the  West.  Thus  the  themes  of  the 
Nativity  and  the  Adoration  in  the  basilica  at  Bethlehem,  the  Ascension 
in  the  church  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  the  Pentecost  in  the  church  of  Zion, 
and  the  Anastasis  in  the  apse  of  the  Martyrion,  all  of  which  are  now  de- 
stroyed and  known  to  us  only  by  the  copies  on  the  Monza  ampullae  and 
other  minor  objects  of  Palestinian  origin,  were  developed  into  sacred  and 
traditional  types. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  179 

While  the  tendency  of  Oriental  Christian  art  was  narrative,  historical 
rather  than  highly  symbolic,  and  personal  rather  than  impersonal,  this 
Palestinian  iconography,  partly  due  to  its  dependence  on  the  large  mosaic 
compositions  and  in  part  to  the  reawakened  Eastern  tendencies  in  art,  soon 
became  stylized  and  took  on  a highly  symmetrical,  static,  and  strictly 
frontal  character  that  was  often  monumental  and  hieratic.  It  was  this 
monumental  style  which  passed  with  the  iconography  into  other  localities. 

The  relations  between  Palestine  and  Egypt  were  intimate.  From 
Syria  devout  Christians  penetrated  to  Upper  Egypt  where  they  sought 
refuge  in  the  monasteries  and  studied  the  cenobite  system  before 
spreading  into  remote  countries  to  found  new  monasteries.  From  Egypt 
came  an  endless  procession  of  pilgrims  to  the  shrines  of  the  Holy  Land 
where  they  did  reverence  before  the  monuments  and  then  returned  to 
their  monastic  refuges  in  the  Thebaid.  Thus  there  was  a constant  inter- 
change between  Palestinian  art  and  the  monastic  art  of  Upper  Egypt, 
which  we  call  Coptic,  and  many  of  the  monumental  types  of  iconography 
seen  in  the  mosaics  of  Bethlehem  and  the  more  narrative  and  apocryphal 
types  seen  in  Syrian  miniatures  were  introduced  into  Coptic  art. 
Whether  the  frontal,  symmetrical,  and  monumental  character  of  many  of 
these  scenes,  which  were  common  both  to  Palestine  and  Egypt,  was  drawn 
entirely  from  the  monumental  types  of  the  churches  of  the  Holy  Land 
or  whether  there  was  also  a reversion  to  native,  Nilotic  methods  of  repre- 
sentation in  Egypt  which  influenced  the  Palestinian  compositions,  we  can 
not  say.  It  is  interesting,  however,  to  note  that  the  scenes  in  Coptic  art 
which  revert  to  strict  frontality,  rigid  and  symmetrical  composition,  and 
a monumental  style,  are  those  scenes  which  I call  Palestinian-Coptic,  and 
which  in  general  show  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Land. 

Palestinian-Coptic  Types 

The  following  types  may  be  characterized  as  Palestinian-Coptic : 

The  Nativity ,39 

1 he  Birth,  with  the  adoring  ox  and  ass  and  the  star  hovering  above 
the  Child  in  His  crib,  is  figured  in  the  open;  the  Virgin  lies,  in  the  Eastern 
manner,  on  a mattress,  and  Joseph  is  usually  figured  seated  at  her  side. 
This  type,  which  is  supposed  to  have  decorated  the  walls  of  the  Church 


39  See  p.  29. 


i8o 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem,  appears  on  the  Monza  phials  of  Palestinian 
origin  and  on  the  Golenisheff  panel  and  a Coptic  tapestry  from  Egypt. 

The  Adoration  of  the  Magi ,40 

The  dominant  features  of  this  type  are  the  monumental  character  of 
the  composition,  its  symmetry,  and  the  frontality  of  the  figures.  The 
Virgin,  instead  of  being  represented  in  profile  or  in  a three-quarters  pose, 
is  in  strict  frontality  and  the  Magi  are  arranged  symmetrically  on  either 
side,  the  two  Magi  on  one  side  being  balanced  by  a Magus  and  an  angel 
on  the  other  or  the  scene  of  the  Adoration  by  the  calling  of  the  shepherds. 
The  Magi  are  invariably  differentiated  by  their  beards. 

The  Baptism ,41 

Aside  from  the  absence  in  the  composition  of  the  personified  Jordan, 
the  only  feature  that  distinguishes  this  type  from  the  Alexandrian-Coptic 
is  the  consistent  use  of  the  nimbus  on  all  the  figures,  a characteristic  detail 
in  all  Palestinian  scenes.  In  the  Rabula  Gospels  from  Syria  and  the 
Golenischeff  panel  from  Egypt  the  Saviour  is  bearded,  which  is  a Syrian 
feature. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana.42 

This  type  manifests  the  narrative  tendency  in  Eastern  art.  The  Vir- 
gin and  two  servants  pouring  the  water  are  introduced,  the  number  of 
jars  is  always  six,  and  the  disciple  is  omitted.  The  type  appears  in  Syria 
in  the  miniatures  of  the  Rabula  Gospels  and  in  Egypt  in  the  frescoes  at 
Antinoe. 

The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic ,43 

Inasmuch  as  there  is  an  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  of  this  scene  and 
yet  the  Murano  book  cover  group  from  Egypt  presents  another  type, 
wherein  the  paralytic  is  represented  in  profile  looking  back  at  Christ  who 
carries  the  Coptic  cross,  I have  classified  the  second  rendering  as  Pales- 
tinian-Coptic,  although  there  are  no  certain  Palestinian  examples  of  the 
scene. 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus.4* 

The  same  is  true  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus.  There  are  no  Palestinian 
examples  of  the  scene  and  yet  on  the  Murano  book  cover  group  there  is 

40  See  p.  Si.  41  See  p.  82.  42  See  p.  92. 

43  See  p.  106.  44  See  p.  118. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


181 


a marked  type,  strikingly  different  from  the  Alexandrian-Coptic.  This 
rendering  is  distinguished  from  all  others  by  Lazarus,  his  head  hare,  stand- 
ing in  the  entrance  of  a frontal  tomb  faqade  with  a broken  lintel  and  by 
Christ  carrying  a cross  instead  of  a wand. 

Entry  into  Jerusalem ,45 

There  is  little  to  distinguish  this  type  from  the  regular  Hellenistic  type 
save  that  the  Saviour  rides  sidewise,  instead  of  astride,  on  the  ass. 

^ ^ ^ 

With  the  Palestinian-Coptic  one  would  expect  to  discover  a clearly 
distinguishable  and  influential  Syrian  school.  The  commercial  activities 
of  the  Syrians,  the  wealth  and  originality  of  their  architecture,  and  the 
importance  of  their  theologians,  justify  such  an  expectation.  The  school 
no  doubt  existed,  but  in  iconography  it  is  not  distinguishable ; the  monu- 
ments are  too  few  in  number  and  those  that  remain  are  too  eclectic  in 
their  types  to  disclose  its  character.  I have  already  pointed  out  the  icono- 
graphic  isolation  of  many  of  the  types  in  the  marginal  miniatures  of  the 
Rabula  Gospels,  as  well  as  their  Oriental-Hellenistic  characteristics  and, 
in  some  cases,  their  affinities  with  proto-Byzantine  iconography.  The 
miniatures  of  the  Etschmiadzin  Gospels,  more  Oriental  in  style  than  those 
of  the  Gospels  from  Zagba,  present  so  many  points  of  iconography  analo- 
gous to  Palestinian-Coptic  types,  that  they  also  fail  to  suggest  a separate 
tradition  of  Biblical  representation  in  northern  Syria.  Lor  a few  scenes  it 
is  possible  to  recognize  a Syrian  type  and  in  the  development  of  Byzantine 
iconography,  as  in  the  evolution  of  Byzantine  architecture,  it  is  possible 
to  trace  certain  methods  of  representation  to  Syrian  sources  as  well  as  to 
Anatolia  where  it  has  generally  been  supposed  that  the  prototypes  of 
Byzantine  iconography  were  formulated. 

The  iconographic  development  of  Byzantine  art  brings  this  review 
to  the  final  phase  of  early  Christian  art.  The  custom  of  including  as 
“Byzantine”  the  entire  development  of  east  Christian  art  from  the  fifth 
century  in  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Asia  Minor,  as  well  as  in  Constantinople, 
is  not  sufficiently  accurate.  The  actual  Byzantine,  with  its  consistent 
f •rmulae  of  iconography,  its  fully  developed  methods  of  representation, 
and  its  traditional  forms,  did  not  appear  until  the  ninth  century  as  a 
homogeneous  style,  although  as  early  as  the  sixth  century,  and  far  earlier 
43  See  p.  127. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


182 

in  the  case  of  its  architectural  and  ornamental  forms,  its  component  char- 
acteristics appear  in  the  arts  of  the  East. 

Prior  to  the  reign  of  Justinian,  the  new  capital  which  Constantine  had 
established  in  the  East  was  artistically  subservient  not  only  to  the  Hellen- 
istic art  of  Rome  and  Greece,  but  also  to  the  new  arts  which  were  origi- 
nating in  the  old,  established  centres  of  the  Orient.  Springing  suddenly 
from  an  obscure  seaport  on  the  Bosporus  into  the  prominence  of  an  im- 
perial capital,  it  lacked  an  artistic  background  and  was  dependent  on  the 
traditions  of  the  Hellenistic  art  of  Asia  Minor  and  of  the  developing 
arts  of  the  Orient  which  could  be  appropriated,  by  imperial  patronage, 
for  its  adornment.  For  centuries  Constantinople  was  the  clearing  house 
of  the  Orient  and,  while  all  the  elements  of  the  new  styles  from  Egypt, 
Syria,  and  Asia  Minor  found  their  way  to  the  capital,  and  the  ateliers  of 
Constantinople  became  centres  of  artistic  production,  it  was  an  eclectic 
and  exotic  art  that  was  practiced  there. 

By  the  sixth  century  the  brilliancy  of  Constantinople  reached  a kind 
of  zenith  under  Justinian.  Cinder  this  ambitious,  art  loving,  and  lavish 
Emperor  who  adorned  not  only  the  capital  but  even  his  whole  realm  with 
great  churches,  resplendent  with  mosaics,  rich  carvings  and  sumptuous 
inlays  of  costly  marble,  the  artistic  centre  of  gravity  shifted  to  Con- 
stantinople. This  “first  Golden  Age  of  Byzantine  Art,”  as  it  has  been 
frequently  called,  did  not  mark  the  final  formation  of  a Byzantine 
style.  Rather  it  was  the  culmination  of  the  early  Christian  period,  a 
magnificent  compilation  of  the  new  artistic  elements  of  the  East,  exe- 
cuted on  a scale  hitherto  undreamed  of,  which  were  now  to  be  assimilated 
into  Byzantine  art.  “The  systems  of  architecture,”  wrote  Strzygowski, 
“peculiar  to  the  most  important  regions  of  the  Hellenistic  Orient  (Egypt, 
Syria,  and  Asia  Minor)  combined  to  evolve  the  new  forms  of  Hellenistic- 
Oriental  art,  the  Byzantine,  and  Hagia  Sofia  must  be  considered  as  the 
incomparable  monument  of  this  reciprocal  penetration.”  Magnificent  and 
unapproached  as  was  this  edifice,  rather  than  an  example  of  a Byzantine 
type,  it  was  the  unexcelled  perfection  of  Hellenistic  and  Oriental  forms 
brought  into  perfect  and  harmonious  accord  for  the  first  time.  While 
exemplifying  the  elements  of  Byzantine  architecture,  it  was  not,  as  a 
whole,  characteristic  and  typical  of  the  Byzantine  type  of  church  which 
appeared  in  the  ninth,  and  was  universal  in  the  eleventh  century. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY  183 

In  iconography  this  is  even  more  obviously  true.  Although  any  of 
the  forms  of  Byzantine  iconography  may  be  recognized  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury as  they  occur  in  the  native  arts  of  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt  (and 
were  brought  to  Constantinople),  it  was  not  until  after  the  Iconoclastic 
controversies  and  the  invasions  of  the  Arabs,  Persians,  and  barbarians 
from  the  north  had  stilled  the  national  arts  in  the  provinces,  that  Byzantine 
iconography  appeared  in  fixed  forms  and  universally  adopted  types  which 
approached  a science  in  their  consistency. 

Byzantine  iconography,  which  is  itself  characteristic  and  specific,  was 
eclectic  in  origin.  As  in  the  architecture,  features  and  types  were  adopted 
from  Egypt  and  Syria,  but  by  far  the  greater  number  of  prototypes 
emanated  from  Anatolia.  The  influence  of  Syria  and  Palestine  on  this 
formation  has  already  been  pointed  out  by  Heisenberg  in  his  study  of  the 
mosaics  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  at  Constantinople,  and  the 
influence  of  the  Rossano  Gospels  and  the  Sinope  fragment,  from  Anatolia, 
has  been  generally  recognized. 

The  character  of  proto-Byzantine  iconography,  as  it  occurred  in  these 
Anatolian  miniatures  and  became  characteristic  of  the  developed  types,  was 
both  monumental  and  narrative.  The  proto-Byzantine  types,  which  were 
to  be  formalized  into  an  almost  adamant  tradition,  a kind  of  pictorial  script 
for  Byzantine  painters,  were  highly  historical  in  conception  as  they  in- 
cluded all  the  characters  in  any  way  connected  with  the  actual  event  to  be 
depicted.  This  amplification  of  the  types,  in  spite  of  their  dogmatic,  liturgi- 
cal. and  symbolical  forms  and  the  stereotyped  and  hieratic  rendering  which 
gave  them  a monumental  style,  made  the  iconography  more  narrative  than 
that  of  other  Oriental  schools. 

Proto-Byzantine  Types 

The  following  summary  of  the  scenes  which  have  been  discussed  in 
the  previous  pages  briefly  illustrates  the  character  of  proto-Byzantine  types 
and  their  relation  to  Byzantine  iconography  of  the  ninth  century.  In  many 
cases,  where  the  prototypes  do  not  exist,  it  is  only  the  salient  features  of 
the  Byzantine  type  which  are  stated. 

Nativity.*® 

There  is  a small  and  uncommon  sub-type,  which  includes  an  eighth 
century  censer  from  Kertch,  in  which  the  midwives  are  omitted  and  the 

^ See  p.  30.  See  also  note  78,  p.  32. 


i84  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 

Adoration  of  the  Angels  introduced.  The  regular  type,  which  occurs  on  no 
early  Christian  examples  and  was  not  universal  until  the  ninth  century, 
represents  Mary  lying  on  a mattress  with  Joseph  sitting  at  one  side,  depicts 
at  first  the  event  in  the  open  and  later  in  a cave,  and  besides  the  two  mid- 
wives washing  the  Child,  includes  the  adoring  angels,  animals,  shepherds, 
and  often  the  Magi. 

The  Adoration  of  the  Magi ,4T 

In  the  ninth  century  the  famous  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
presents  a type,  in  many  ways  a continuation  of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic, 
in  which  an  angel  points  out  the  Child,  seated  in  His  mother's  lap,  to 
the  three  Magi,  who,  differentiated  one  from  another  by  their  beards, 
advance  in  a line.  There  appeared,  however,  in  the  eleventh  century  a 
rigid  liturgical  type,  based  on  the  combination  feast  celebrated  at  Con- 
stantinople, which  combines  the  Epiphany  with  the  Nativity  and  with  the 
Adoration  of  the  Shepherds,  and  it  was  this  type  which  passed  into  Italo- 
Byzantine  art. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana.*8 

This  is  an  amplification  of  the  Syrian  and  Palestinian-Coptic  type  in 
which  the  wedding  feast  is  added  to  the  representation,  with  the  bride, 
groom,  and  guests  sitting  around  the  table  as  the  Saviour,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  Yirgin,  performs  the  miracle. 

The  Healing  of  the  Blind ,49 

There  are  two  types  based  on  two  different  miracles  wherein  Christ 
healed  the  blind.  One  is  a continuation  of  the  Syrian  type,  as  it  occurs 
in  the  Rabula  Gospels,  in  which  two  blind  men  seek  the  mercy  of  the 
Saviour.  This  type  occurs  in  the  sixth  century  in  the  proto-Byzantine 
miniatures  of  the  Sinope  fragment  and  in  the  ninth  century  in  the  minia- 
tures of  the  Homilies  of  Gregory.  The  second  type  comes  from  a proto- 
Byzantine  source  in  the  miniatures  of  the  Rossano  Gospels  and  also  occurs 
,in  the  miniatures  of  the  Homilies.  Here  Christ,  accompanied  by  His 
disciples,  touches  the  eyes  of  a single  blind  man  and  to  the  right  of  the 
composition  is  the  pool  of  Siloam  where  the  blind  man  washes  the  spittle 
from  his  eyes  before  a throng  of  onlookers. 


47  See  p.  58. 


48  See  p.  93. 


49  See  p.  101. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


185 

The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.50 

This  again  is  the  amplified,  historical  rendering  of  the  scene  wherein 
the  paralytic,  after  the  Biblical  account,  is  being  lowered  on  his  bed  to 
Christ  through  the  roof  of  the  house.  While  there  remain  no  early 
Christian  prototypes  of  this  scene,  it  appears  in  the  eighth  century  in  the 
Byzantine  frescoes  of  San  Saba  at  Rome  and  in  the  ninth  century  in  the 
Homilies  of  Gregory. 

The  Raising  of  Lazarus.51 

The  scene  that  appears  in  the  sixth  century  in  the  miniatures  of  the 
Rossano  Gospels  became  the  traditional  Byzantine  type.  In  the  rock  hewn 
tomb  is  seen  the  swathed  body  of  Lazarus  supported  on  the  right  by  a 
servant,  while  another  servant  is  often  figured  either  undoing  the  wrap- 
pings or  holding  back  the  slab  of  the  tomb.  Christ  is  bearded  and  clothed 
in  a purple  tunic  and  wears  a cruciform  nimbus;  at  His  feet  the  two  sisters 
of  Lazarus  lie  prostrate  and  behind  Him  are  groups  of  disciples  and  spec- 
tators ; a characteristic  feature  is  a man  holding  his  nose. 

The  Entry  into  Jerusalem.52 

Again  the  type  which  appears  in  the  sixth  century  in  the  Rossano 
Gospels  was  fully  developed  by  the  ninth  century  in  the  Homilies.  The 
Saviour,  followed  by  His  disciples,  rides  sidewise,  while  boys  spread  a 
mantle  beneath  the  feet  of  the  ass  and  others  look  down  from  treetops 
on  the  scene.  A large  multitude  issues  from  the  gates  of  the  city  and 
people  look  out  from  the  windows. 

The  Last  Supper ,33 

Two  types  of  this  scene  exist,  one  liturgical  and  the  other  historical. 
The  Liturgical  type,  which  appears  in  both  the  Rabula  and  Rossano 
Gospels,  is  a representation  of  Christ  as  Priest  in  the  Lirst  Communion 
with  His  apostles,  and  only  relates  to  the  Last  Supper  as  that  event  was 
the  occasion  of  the  Lirst  Communion.  This  type  became  a favorite  theme 
for  the  decoration  of  Byzantine  apses.  The  historical  type,  which  also 
occurs  in  the  Rossano  Gospels  and  became  traditional  in  Byzantine  art. 
depicts  the  Saviour  seated  with  His  twelve  disciples,  among  whom  Judas 
is  distinguished  by  the  way  he  reaches  forward  to  grasp  the  bread  and 
wine  of  which  they  are  to  partake.  By  the  ninth  century  the  beloved 


•*°  See  p.  106. 


52  See  p.  127.  r'3  See  p.  139. 


51  See  p.  120. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  ICONOGRAPHY 


1 86 

disciple,  John,  is  characterized  as  he  leans  on  the  Master's  breast  and 
Judas  is  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  Twelve. 

JfC  JjC 

The  most  interesting  result  of  the  foregoing  classification  of  types  is 
the  emergence, — out  of  the  hitherto  confusing  mass  of  sixth  century  monu- 
ments,'— of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  and  Palestinian-Coptic  groups  of  Egypt. 
To  the  former  must  now  be  assigned  the  much  discussed  Chair  of  Maximi- 
anus  and  the  ivories  related  thereto ; the  latter  includes  the  numerous  works 
that  have  been  gathered  about  the  Murano  book  cover,  and  adds  materially 
to  the  archaeological  data  bearing  on  the  relations  of  the  Holy  Land  with 
Upper  Egypt  in  the  sixth  century.  These  groups,  and  the  Provenqal  which 
is  treated  at  length  in  Part  II,  are  the  only  ones  that  can  be  localized  into 
“schools,”  and  therefore  afford  criteria  by  which  to  judge  the  specific 
provenience  of  works  presenting  their  characteristic  types.  The  eclectic 
group  of  Provence  presents  a few  types  of  its  own,  a number  of  traditional 
Hellenistic  forms,  and  several  others  of  Oriental  origin  which  will  be  dis- 
cussed in  Part  II.54 

54  See  p.  201. 


PART  II 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

I 

INTRODUCTION 

The  first  part  of  this  volume  has  been  devoted  to  a study  of  iconography 
with  the  idea  of  isolating  and  defining  the  artistic  centres  of  early  Chris- 
tian art  which  flourished  around  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  during 
the  first  seven  centuries  of  Christianity.  With  the  exception  of  Christ 
Triumphant,  the  Biblical  scenes  which  have  been  chosen  to  show  the  icono- 
graphic  independence  and  distinguishable  character  of  these  “schools”  of 
Christian  art  are  the  New  Testament  scenes  that  appear  on  a group  of 
ivories  that  I would  attribute  to  Provence.  Since,  in  my  classification  of 
the  iconography  of  the  early  Christian  period,  the  types  that  occur  on 
the  ivories  of  this  group  have  stood  out  in  marked  isolation  from  the 
other  types,  I have  assumed  the  existence  of  a new  school  of  art,  a school 
of  ivory  carvers  in  Provence,  whose  connection  with  Marseilles  and  pre- 
sumably with  the  famous  convent  of  St.  Victor  I hope  to  sustain  in  the 
following  pages. 

The  group  of  ivories,  which  consists  of  a diptych  in  Milan  cathedral, 
a casket  from  Werden  that  is  now  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum 
at  London,  a fragment  in  the  Nevers  Museum,  another  piece  possibly  be- 
longing to  the  same  ivory  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  and  a diptych  in  the 
Library  at  Rouen,  has  been  generally  recognized  by  the  authorities  as 
a unit,  with  the  exception  of  the  Rouen  diptych.1  The  eclectic  nature  of 

1 Since  this  book  has  gone  to  press  I have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  four  ivory 
plaques  in  the  British  Museum  (Dalton,  Catalogue  of  the  Early  Christian  Antiquities  in 
the  British  Museum,  no.  291)  belong  to  this  Provencal  group.  The  iconography  for  the 
most  part  is  Hellenistic  and  is  similar  to  the  types  seen  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Gaul. 
Among  the  scenes  on  the  plaques  is  an  Oriental-Hellenistic  type  of  the  Crucifixion  which 
was  known  in  Provence  (Gregory  of  Tours,  De  Glor.  Martyr.,  XXIII,  see  p.  205)  and  is 


187 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


1 88 

the  group,  and  the  confusion  that  its  mixture  of  Eastern  and  Western 
characteristics  has  caused  in  attribution,  are  most  clearly  brought  out  by  a 
cursory  review  of  the  various  artistic  centres  to  which  it  has  been  assigned. 

The  Eastern  character  of  the  ivories  was  first  recognized  by  Labarte2 
who  called  the  Milan  and  Werden  ivories  the  products  of  early  Byzantine 
art  executed  under  Justinian  at  Constantinople.  This  early  Byzantine 
origin  was  later  reasserted  by  Dobbert3  on  the  ground  of  the  enamel  work 
occurring  on  the  Milan  covers.  Strzygowski.  having  first  said  that  the 
group  was  Italian  (Milanese?)  done  under  Eastern  influences,4  asserted 
at  a later  date  that  the  Milan  covers  may  have  been  brought  to  Milan, 
but  that  they  must  have  been  executed  nearer  Asia  Minor.5  While  the 
ivories  of  the  group  have  been  attributed  to  Italy  by  De  Rossi,6  Venturi,7 
Schmid,8  Stuhlfauth,9  and  Westwood,10  Haseloff  was  the  first  to  show 
their  connection  with  Rome.11  Of  these  same  authorities  who  sustained 
an  Italian  origin,  De  Rossi  and  Schmid  have  suggested  Milan  as  the 
possible  centre  where  the  work  was  done  and  Stuhlfauth  has  attempted 
to  point  out  the  actual  connection  of  the  group  with  that  city.  Except  for 
a few  analogies  with  certain  sarcophagi,  his  ostensible  reason  for  such  an 
attribution  lay  in  the  fact  that  Milan  was  the  principal  seat  of  govern- 
ment in  Italy  from  the  reign  of  Diocletian  to  404,  and  that  as  early  as 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  it  was  already  the  great  ecclesiastical 


consistent  with  the  Oriental-Hellenistic  character  of  the  region.  This  representation  of 
the  Crucifixion,  however,  manifests  an  odd  feature  in  the  centurion  who  thrusts  his  lance 
into  the  left  side,  instead  of  the  right,  of  the  Saviour.  All  Eastern  examples,  from  early 
Christian  times  throughout  the  history  of  Byzantine  iconography,  represent  the  lance 
thrust  on  the  right.  While  uncommon,  this  rendering  on  the  ivory  appears  later  on 
Merovingian  and  still  later  on  Irish  monuments,  and  leads  me  to  believe  that  it  was 
a type  originating  in  Provence  and  passing  thence  to  the  later  art  of  Gaul  and  so  to 
Ireland.  Other  iconographic  peculiarities  on  these  ivories  were  continued,  as  I have 
already  shown  was  frequently  the  case  with  Provenqal  types,  on  Carolingian  and  Otto- 
man monuments.  The  technique  of  the  ivories  is,  moreover,  similar  to  the  workmanship 
and  style  of  the  Berlin  fragment,  which  belongs  to  the  Provencal  group,  and  to  figures  on 
the  sarcophagi  of  Provence. 

2 Labarte,  Histoire  des  arts  industrials,  I,  pp.  43,  211. 

3 Dobbert,  Repertorium  fiir  Kunstwissenschaft,  VIII,  1885,  p.  172. 

4 Strzygowski,  Bysantinisclic  Denkmdler,  I,  1891,  pp.  45,  49. 

5 Strzygowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  198. 

c De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  1865,  p.  26  sq. 

7 Venturi,  Storia  deli’  arte  Italiana,  I,  p.  509. 

8 Schmid,  Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Christi,  p.  109. 

9 Stuhlfauth,  Die  altchristliche  Elfenbeinplastilc,  p.  84. 

10  Westwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  pp.  38-43. 

11  Haseloff,  Jb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXIV,  1903,  p.  53. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE  189 

centre  of  the  West.  Molinier,  who  saw  the  eclectic  nature  of  the  Milan 
covers,  did  not  assign  them,  but  simply  remarked  upon  their  Greek  char- 
acter qualified  by  Italian  affinities.12  Finally  Dalton,  who  with  Stuhlfauth 
viewed  the  group  as  a unit,  said  that  it  was  “less  obviously  Oriental”  than 
some  of  the  other  groups  and  yet  in  certain  respects  suggested  a doubt 
as  to  its  Western  origin.13 

Keeping  in  mind  this  strange  mixture  of  Eastern  and  Western  features, 
which  nearly  all  the  students  of  the  ivories  have  recognized,  but  which  none 
has  fully  explained,  I wish  to  show  in  the  following  chapters  how  in 
Provence  the  East  and  the  West  mingled,  how  the  local  traditions  were 
Roman  while  the  commercial  and  religious  relations  were  nearly  all  with 
the  Orient,  and  how  the  art  of  the  sarcophagi  manifests  the  same  eclectic 
character. 

Before  considering,  however,  the  Orientalizing  of  Gaul  during  the  first 
six  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  I wish  to  emphasize  the  importance  of 
the  fact,  already  brought  out  in  the  previous  pages,  that  the  rendering  of 
many  scenes  on  the  ivories  which  I would  call  Provencal,  follows  the 
account  in  the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew.  This  interesting 
gospel  purports  to  be  a Latin  translation  made  by  St.  Jerome  from  a 
Hebrew  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,14  but  is  really  a compilation  from  the 
old  Jewish-Christian  Gospel  attributed  to  Tames,  and  a Gnostic  recension 
thereof.15  It  certainly  dates  no  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  fourth  century 
and  according  to  Michel  it  might  have  been  written  as  late  as  the  sixth.16 
Lipsius  inclines  to  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  as  the  most  likely  date.17 
Its  date  is  thus  only  an  approximation  while  its  odd  text,  primarily  Ori- 
ental in  origin,  written  in  Latin,  and  pervaded  with  interpolations  which 
are  foreign  to  the  other  apocryphal  gospels  of  the  East,  has  been  inade- 
quately explained. 

While  this  text  differs  in  many  respects  from  other  gospels,  it  is  in 
the  description  of  the  Nativity  and  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  that  it  be- 
comes evident,  from  a study  of  Christian  art,  that  the  translator  interpo- 
lated his  original  with  the  conscious  purpose  of  bringing  the  account  into 

j2  Molinier,  Hist,  des  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  61. 

lZ  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  203. 

• * Michel,  PLvangiles  apocryphcs,  page  xix. 

1'  Lipsius,  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.,  II,  p.  703. 

16  Op.  cit.,  p.  xxi. 

1 Lipsius  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.,  II,  p.  702. 


190  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

accord  with  the  established  art  in  the  West.  At  the  outset,  in  the  de- 
scription of  the  Nativity,  Pseudo-Matthew  differs  from  all  the  canonical 
texts  authorized  in  the  West  and  agrees  with  the  purely  Oriental  versions 
in  relating  that  the  time  for  the  delivery  came  when  Mary  and  Joseph 
were  on  the  way  to  Bethlehem  and  that  Mary  went  into  a cavern.  While 
the  writer,  following  Eastern  tradition,  introduces  the  doubting  midwife 
into  the  Nativity,  he  also  inserts  a description  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Ox  and  the  Ass  which  appears  in  no  other  gospel  account,  either  apocryphal 
or  canonical.  We  read  there  that  “on  the  third  day  after  the  birth  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  the  Blessed  Mary  went  forth  out  of  the  cavern,  and 
entering  a stable,  placed  the  Child  in  the  manger,  and  the  ox  and  the  ass 
adored  Him  . . . and  Joseph  and  Mary  lived  in  that  place  with  the  Child 
three  days.” 

I have  already  pointed  out  how  slight  was  the  consideration  of  the 
early  theologians  for  the  actual  Birth18  and  how  in  the  fifth  century,  when 
Pseudo-Matthew  was  being  translated  from  earlier  accounts,  the  presence 
of  the  ox  and  the  ass  as  symbols  of  the  adoration  of  the  natural  world 
was  already  traditional.19  We  have  also  seen  that  the  manger-shed 
was  a fixed  feature  in  Western  Nativities.  As  so  frequently  hap- 
pens, the  established  art  influenced  the  literature  of  the  period ; into  the 
Eastern  narrative  of  the  Birth,  whose  Eastern  motives  of  midwives  and  the 
cave  contrast  so  noticeably  with  the  canonical  accounts,  the  Latin  translator 
inserted  the  only  description  that  we  have  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox 
and  the  Ass,  and  takes  obvious  pains  to  reconcile  the  cavern  of  his  Eastern 
source  with  the  shed  of  Latin  tradition. 

In  the  case  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  an  artistic  type  had  already 
grown  up  in  the  West  before  the  fifth  century  which  was  in  direct  contra- 
diction to  an  early  tradition  that  the  Birth  and  the  Adoration  were  syn- 
chronous.20 Inasmuch  as  the  canonical  versions  are  vague  as  to  the  age 
of  the  Child  at  the  time  of  the  Adoration,  the  translator  sought  to  recon- 
cile his  text  with  the  prevalent  custom  in  the  West  of  representing  Jesus 
as  a child  of  two  years.  It  reads:  "Two  years  having  passed,  some  Magi 
came  from  the  Orient  to  Jerusalem,  and  entering  into  the  house,  they 
found  the  Child  Jesus  resting  on  His  mother's  breast."  Thus  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Adoration  of  the  animals  the  translator  brought  his  source 


18  See  p.  19. 


19  See  p.  20. 


20  See  p.  45- 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


191 

into  accord  with  an  already  established  artistic  tradition,  although  the  East 
commemorated  Birth  and  Adoration  on  the  same  night.  At  the  same  time 
the  interpolator,  in  his  effort  to  popularize  the  text,  makes  specific  refer- 
ence to  the  gifts  that  the  Magi  brought;  besides  referring  to  the  customary 
triple  gift  of  gold,  myrrh,  and  incense,  he  tells  of  “great  gifts”  given  to 
the  Virgin  and  to  Joseph  and  of  the  pieces  of  gold  which  each  of  the  Magi 
gave  to  Jesus.  Again  he  was  seeking  to  conform  his  text  to  the  frequent 
presence  of  Joseph  in  the  scene,  and  to  the  variety  of  objects  which  in 
Western  art  the  Magi  present  to  the  Saviour. 

That  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  re- 
ligious character  of  Provence  will  become  evident  from  the  following  chap- 
ter on  the  Orientalizing  of  Gaul.  The  country  was  primarily  Gallo-Roman 
but  permeated  with  an  Oriental  element  in  the  population  which  dominated 
the  trade,  introduced  many  of  its  own  motifs  of  art,  and  brought  the 
Christianity  of  Provence  more  into  accord  with  the  Christianity  of  the 
Orient  than  with  that  of  Rome.  In  the  fifth  century  the  West,  wishing 
a more  detailed  account  of  the  birth  of  the  Virgin,  her  marriage,  and  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  birth  of  the  Saviour,  eagerly  appropri- 
ated, regardless  of  the  prohibitory  mandates  of  the  orthodox  church,  the 
various  apocryphal  narratives  which  had  been  written  in  the  Orient.  Of 
these  apocryphal  gospels  the  Pseudo-Matthew,  as  a Latin  translation 
brought  by  interpolation  into  accord  with  Western  notions,  was  the  most 
popular.  If  not  actually  provided,  it  was  admirably  adapted  for  just  such  a 
community  as  Provence  where  there  was  an  active  mixture  of  Oriental 
peoples  and  the  indigeneous  Latin  population.  The  relation  of  the  ivories 
to  the  gospel,  as  demonstrated  in  Part  I,  is  obviously  an  argument  for  an 
earlier  date  than  the  latter  part  of  the  fifth  century,  for  one  of  the  ivories 
of  our  group,  the  Nevers  fragment,  held  by  competent  authority  to  be  no 
later  than  450,  appears  to  base  its  scenes  on  Pseudo-Matthew. 

In  closing  this  introduction  a word  of  explanation  is  perhaps  necessary 
concerning  the  addition  to  this  volume  of  a long  chapter  on  an  ivory  that 
is  not  included  in  the  Provencal  group.  The  Bodleian  book  cover,  a Caro- 
lingian  ivory  of  about  800,  not  only  preserves  many  of  the  Provencal 
iconographic  types,  but  is  also  to  a large  extent  a copy  of  a diptych  of 
which  the  Berlin  ivory  (and  possibly  that  of  Nevers)  was  a part. 
So  striking  is  the  affinity  with  these  ivories  that  a few  authorities  have 


I92 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


even  gone  so  far  as  to  attribute  it  to  the  early  Christian  period.  The  very 
fact  that  a Carolingian  ivory  preserves  the  iconography  of  a group  of 
ivories  that  may  possibly  be  attributed  to  Provence  helps  to  confirm  the 
Provenqal  origin  of  the  ivories;  for  as  Marseilles  and  the  other  cities  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Rhone  were  the  main  channels  through  which  Eastern 
ideas,  products,  and  art  entered  and  spread  through  Charlemagne’s  king- 
dom, so  is  it  more  than  likely  that  some  of  the  iconography  which  passed 
up  that  highway  into  Carolingian  art  was  Provencal. 

II 

THE  ORIENTALIZING  OF  GAUL 

A country's  art  springs  from  the  deepest  strata  of  its  life  and  activ- 
ities. Its  roots  lie  not  only  in  the  racial  characteristics  but  also  in  the 
more  dominant  exotic  influences  which  are  always  tending  to  reshape 
a race.  They  are  interwoven  with  and  to  a large  extent  dependent  upon 
the  social,  religious,  and  economic  factors  which  continually  change  the 
aspects  of  society  and  alter,  stimulate,  or  hinder  the  development  of  its 
ideals  and  artistic  efforts.  I hope  to  make  plain  that  the  early  Christian 
art  of  Provence  was  largely  inspired  by  Eastern  importations.  If  so,  its 
many  artistic  parallels  with  the  East  should  appear  as  the  manifestations 
of  strong  commercial,  religious,  and  artistic  currents  which  were  flowing 
from  the  Orient  into  Provence  and  should  make  intelligible  the  curious 
mixture  of  Eastern  and  Western  features  in  the  eclectic  art  of  southern 
Gaul  I wish  to  sketch  briefly  the  commercial,  religious,  and  artistic  fac- 
tors from  the  East  which  were  working  in  and  on  Provence  to  qualify  in 
favor  of  Oriental  ideas  and  customs  the  Hellenistic  Roman  traditions  al- 
ready established  in  the  region. 

The  commercial  relations  of  Provence  with  the  East  reach  back  to  the 
times  when  the  Phoenicians  had  a direct  route  between  the  Orient  and 
Provence  and  spread  their  civilization  through  the  region.1  During  Chris- 
tian times,  when  Syria  continued  the  traditional  commerce  of  the  Phoeni- 
cians and  spread  her  products  over  all  the  Mediterranean,  it  was  along 
this  route  that  Eastern  merchants  with  their  wares,  and  later  Eastern  mis- 

1 Courajod,  Leqons  professees  a I’ecole  du  Louvre,  I (1899),  p.  48. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


193 

sionaries  and  Eastern  art,  travelled  from  the  Orient  into  Provence.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages  Syria  was  one  of  the  most  fertile  and 
industrious  countries  of  the  world2  and  from  the  fifth  to  the  eighth  century 
Syrian  merchants  were  the  principal  navigators  of  the  Mediterranean.3 
Of  all  the  countries  of  the  West  which  they  entered,  Gaul  was  the 
territory  where  their  influence  became  most  widespread  and  powerful. 
The  points  of  departure  for  this  Oriental  expansion  into  Gaul  were  Mar- 
seilles and  in  a less  degree  the  other  old  Greek  cities  of  Provence.4  Arles 
especially  had  for  a long  time  been  a depot  of  Oriental  commerce  and  a 
centre  of  immigration.  The  relation  of  Arles  with  the  Orient  is  attested 
by  a funeral  inscription5  found  in  that  city  and  by  a rescript6  of  Claudius 
Julianus  that  was  found  in  Deir  in  Lebanon,  and  gives  evidence  of  the 
relations  of  the  mariners  of  Arles  with  the  Orient. 

The  forms  of  merchandise  which  these  Eastern  traders  imported  into 
the  ports  of  Provence  and  then  dispersed  over  the  whole  Gallic  region 
were  many  and  varied.  Commodities  of  all  sorts,  as  the  contemporary 
writers  tell  us,7  came  from  centres  in  Syria  famous  for  their  production. 
The  Syrians,  St.  Jerome  writes,8  did  a great  commerce  with  the  West  in 
ivories,  stuffs,  precious  stones,  wines,  and  many  other  things.  Besides  the 
commodities  and  luxuries  destined  for  the  tables  of  the  Gallican  nobles 
there  were  introduced  great  quantities  of  silks9  to  be  used  for  the  vest- 
ments and  ornaments  of  the  Christian  cult.  Syria  was  not  the  only  country 
whose  products  were  brought  to  the  shores  of  southern  Gaul.  The  com- 
merce with  the  Egyptians  was  very  active.10  Also,  according  to  Gregory 

2 Diehl,  Justinien  et  la  civilisation  byzantine,  see  the  chapter  devoted  to  Antioch. 

3 Louis  Brehier,  Byz.  Zeit.,  XII,  (1903),  p.  37. 

4 Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  12.  That  Greek  had  been  spoken  in  Marseilles  at  a very  late  date 
is  shown  by  the  inscription  on  a votive  tablet  of  Christian  origin  which  dates  from  the 
fifth  century  (Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  chrctiennes  de  la  Gaulc,  no.  547). 

'Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  12;  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  no.  521. 

' Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  12;  Waltzing,  Hist,  des  corporations  industrielles  sous  VEmpire, 
III,  no.  1961. 

' Brehier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  20,  21,  22,  summarizes  all  the  evidence. 

8Courajod,  op.  cit.,  p.  326;  St.  Jerome,  In  Ezekiel,  XVIII,  16-18. 

9 Marignan,  La  societe  Merovingienne  (1899),  P-  145 ; Heyd,  Gescliichte  des  Levanthan- 
dels,  I,  p.  68;  Schefter-Boichorst,  Zur  Gescliichte  dcr  Syrer  in  Abcndlande,  Mitt,  des 
Insfituts  fiir  bsterreich.  Geschichtsf.,  VI,  P-  545;  Reil,  Bildzyklcn  des  Lebens  Jcsn,  p.  21, 
note  2. 

1,1  Sulpicius  Severus,  Dialog.,  I (ed.  Halm,  p.  152)  ; Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc., 
V.  5.  See  also  below,  p.  253,  note  24. 


194  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

of  Tours,11  there  were  constant  relations  between  Marseilles  and  Con- 
stantinople. 

Not  only  did  these  Eastern  carriers  pour  their  wares  into  the  ports  of 
Gaul,  but  the  Syrian  merchants  settled  in  all  the  principal  towns  and  carried 
on  most  lucrative  trades.12  Corporations  of  Syrian  merchants  existed  in 
the  larger  towns  of  Italy,  Gaul,  Spain,  Africa,  and  Brittany.  The  exist- 
ence of  these  colonies  is  attested  by  Jonas,  biographer  of  St.  Colombanus.13 
St.  Jerome  says  they  were  everywhere14  and  Salvianus15  writes  that  they 
had  taken  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Gallic  towns.  In  the  north 
we  see  them  at  Worms,  Cologne,  Metz,  and  Poitiers.10  The  many  funeral 
inscriptions,  of  which  some  are  dated  after  the  Syrian  calendar,17  show 
them  established  in  Arles,  Narbonne,18  Tours,19  Clermont,20  Vienne,21 
Lyon,22  and  Paris.23  An  epitaph  from  Lyon,24  half  in  Greek  verse  and 
half  in  Latin  prose,  reads : “Venturous  and  sweet  child  of  Athele,  decurion 
of  the  city  of  Canatha  [Ivanawat  in  the  Hauran]  in  Syria,  who  left  his 
native  country  in  order  to  come  into  this  land  to  trade : he  had  at  Lyon 
a booth,  furnished  with  Aquitaine  merchandise.  Irresistible  destiny  has 
made  him  find  death  on  a foreign  soil." 

These  large  communities  of  Orientals,  which  kept  together  in  the  towns 
and  often  continued  to  speak  their  own  language,  became  very  powerful.25 
Many  interesting  stories  of  their  riches  and  influence  are  related  by  Gregory 
of  Tours : he  tells  of  a Syrian  merchant  in  Paris26  who  gained,  at  the 
price  of  silver,  the  episcopal  seat  and  then  introduced  into  the  administra- 
tion of  the  diocese  a crowd  of  Syrians  from  his  own  family;  he  also  writes 
of  a Syrian  merchant  at  Bordeaux,27  named  Euphron,  whose  riches 

11  Gregory  of  Tours,  op.  cit.,  IV,  39,  40;  VI,  24. 

12  Marignan,  op.  cit.,  p.  145. 

13  Courajod,  p.  328;  Jonas,  Vita  S.  Colombani  abbatis,  Acta  Sanctorum  S.  Benedicti,  II. 

14  Courajod,  op.  cit.,  p.  325;  St.  Jerome,  In  Ezekiel,  XXVII,  16;  Epist.,  CXXX,  17. 

15  Courajod,  op.  cit.,  p.  329;  Salvianus,  De  Gubernatione  Dei,  IV,  4. 

10  Marignan,  Louis  Courajod,  p.  89;  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  11-19. 

17  Le  Blant,  Inscriptions  chretiennes  de  la  Gallic. 

18  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  no.  613-A. 

19  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  16. 

20  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  16;  Bull,  de  la  Soc.  Ant.  de  France,  1861,  p.  86. 

21  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  no.  415;  Brehier,  p.  14. 

22  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  14;  and  notes. 

23  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  17;  Vita  S.  Genovefae  (Scriptor.  rer.  mer.,  Ill,  p.  226). 

24  Allmer  et  Dissard,  Mem.  de  la  Soc.  Ant.  de  France,  1865,  pp.  1-19. 

23  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  18,  19. 

28  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  17;  Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc.,  X,  26 

27  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  13;  Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc.,  VII,  31. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


195 

excited  the  jealousy  of  Berthramnus,  the  bishop  of  the  town.  As  these 
Eastern  peoples  commenced  to  gain  control  of  trade  and  commerce, 
they  profited  by  it  to  enrich  themselves,  and  their  riches  soon  raised  their 
social  position.  With  this  acquired  power,  not  only  did  they  elect  many 
of  the  bishops  in  Gaul  and  Italy,  but  in  Rome  from  the  sixth  to  the  seventh 
century  they  came  near  to  possessing  the  exclusive  privilege  of  choosing 
the  Pope.2S  During  all  the  time  that  their  influence  was  augmenting,  they 
tended  to  preserve  their  customs  and  language,  and  the  manner  of  living 
of  their  Oriental  lands.  Therefore  “it  is  not  astonishing  that  the  perpetual 
contact  between  the  Occidentals  of  the  barbarian  epoch  and  these  Orientals, 
more  refined  than  they,  had  brought  in  the  long  run  some  changes  of  ideas 
and  modified  in  a certain  measure  the  Western  culture  of  the  Middle 
Ages."29  In  other  words,  the  manners,  the  customs,  and  the  ideas  of  the 
region,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  case  of  its  art,  were  bound  to  become  eclectic, 
a mixture  of  Oriental  notions  with  Occidental  characteristics. 

Religious  expansion  has  always  tended  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the 
navigator  and  along  the  beaten  path  of  the  trader.  It  was  in  the  third 
century  that  Christianity  began  to  render  itself  master  of  the  principal 
towns  of  Gaul,30  and  throughout  its  history  the  relations  of  the  Gallic 
Church  were  largely  with  the  East.  The  early  Gallican  liturgy  was  that 
of  Ephesus,31  of  the  primitive  church  of  Asia,  imported  into  Gaul  by  the 
founders  of  the  church  of  Lyon.  From  this  church  it  radiated  over  the 
whole  Transalpine  West.  In  the  fourth  century  the  leadership  passed  from 
Lyon  to  Trier,  Vienne,  and  Arles,  and  in  the  fifth  century  Arles  be- 
came the  centre  of  ecclesiastical  law.  Nearly  all  the  “Libri  canonum” 
in  usage  in  Gaul  during  the  Merovingian  times  were  derived  from  those 
of  the  church  of  Arles. 

This  relation  with  the  East  was  also  preserved  by  the  monasteries  which 
were  largely  founded  by  Eastern  monks  and  based  on  Eastern  models. 
Both  at  Liguge,  near  Poitiers,  and  at  Tours,  St.  Martin,32  about  360  A.  D., 
founded  monasteries  modelled  after  the  rule  of  an  Egyptian  coenobium. 
The  most  famous  and  influential  for  its  learning  was  the  order  of  the 

2-  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  19. 

2r‘  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  19. 

30  Marignan,  Louis  Courajod,  1899,  Paris,  p.  89. 

31  Duchesne,  Origiues  du  cultc  chretien,  pp.  84-86. 

32  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  32. 


196  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Insulani  founded  in  410  by  Honoratus33  on  the  island  of  Lerins.  This 
order  was  also  partly  based  cn  me  cenobite  rule.  An  even  greater  and 
more  powerful  community  was  the  monastery  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles 
founded  by  Cassianus,  a man  who  had  visited  many  parts  of  the  East  and 
had  lived  for  years  as  a monk  in  the  deserts  of  the  Thebaid.34  Many  of 
the  monks  in  Gaul  had  also  emigrated  from  various  places  in  the  East : 
Sidonius  Apollinaris  tells35  of  the  death  of  a Syrian  monk  from  the 
Thebaid  who  had  been  living  near  Clermont ; St.  Abraham,  the  founder 
of  the  monastery  at  Clermont,  was  born  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates;36 
and  in  the  fourth  century  the  celebrated  Bishop  Cassianus  of  Autun  was 
born  at  Alexandria.37  Thus  from  the  fourth  to  the  seventh  century  Gallic 
monasticism  was  “clearly  Egyptian  both  in  theory  and  practice”38  and  we 
may  expect  to  see  the  influence  of  Egyptian,  as  well  as  Syrian,  motifs  and 
ideas  on  the  art  of  Provence. 

As  a result  of  this  intimate  relation  of  Christian  Gaul  with  the  Orient 
rather  than  with  Rome  Eastern  feasts39  were  celebrated  there  which 
were  not  observed  in  Rome  nor  in  that  region  of  the  West  where  the 
Roman  church  and  liturgy  prevailed.  Furthermore,  the  Eastern  mission- 
aries, monks,  and  ecclesiastics  brought  into  Gaul  the  worship  of  Eastern 
martyrs,  their  relics,40  and  many  art  objects41  of  the  Eastern  cults,  all  of 
which  had  a great  influence  in  shaping  after  Oriental  models  the  forms, 
observances,  and  above  all  the  art  of  the  Gallican  church. 

“French  art,  which  was  born  Christian,”  writes  Courajod,42  “had  con- 
tact only  with  Judea,  Syria,  Greece,  Byzantium,  Ravenna,  that  is  to  say, 
with  the  Hellenistic  Orient.  When  French  art  was  born,  Rome  was  simply 
a dependent  province  of  the  East;  Rome  was  itself  Byzantine  and  used 
the  Neo-Greek  art.”  This  dependence  of  Gallic  art  on  the  Orient  was 
nothing  new  in  Christian  times.  Gaul  was  in  close  intercourse  with  the 

33  Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West,  I,  p.  346. 

34  Montalembert,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  355. 

35  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  89;  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  34. 

3C  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  33;  Gregory  of  Tours,  Vitae  Patrum,  III. 

37  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  15,  note  6. 

38  Dalton,  Bys.  Art  and  Arch.,  p.  89;  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  33. 

39  Duchesne,  op.  cit.,  pp.  258,  264. 

40  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  35. 

41  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  88. 

42  Courajod,  Logons  professees  a I’ecole  du  Louvre,  I,  p.  109. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


197 

Greek  world  in  Roman  times  and  with  Persian  and  Assyrian  art  before 
our  era.43  As  early  as  the  first  century  B.  C.  the  Gallo-Roman  art  was 
largely  influenced  by  Graeco-Egyptian  ideas  and  motifs,  and  Marseilles 
and  the  cities  of  Provence  were  centres  where  Hellenistic  traditions,  ema- 
nating from  Alexandria,  played  a most  important  role.44  At  Nimes 
even  the  municipal  institutions  were  analogous  to  those  of  Egyptian 
metropoles  and  the  cults  of  Isis  and  Anubis  were  popular  there.45  At 
this  early  date  also  the  influence  of  Syria  was  only  second  to  that  of 
Alexandria,  for  relations  were  already  established  with  the  large  Hellen- 
istic centres,  like  Antioch,  in  Syria.46 

The  sarcophagi  of  Gaul  are  the  only  art  products  of  the  region  which 
show  directly  the  existence  there  of  schools  of  craftsmen.  Whatever 
artistic  influences,  then,  were  working  in  the  various  parts  of  Gaul  would 
be  apparent  on  these  sarcophagi.  While  sarcophagi  have  been  found  in 
nearly  all  the  old  French  towns,  by  far  the  largest  number  have  come 
from  the  cemeteries  of  Arles,  Toulouse,  Marseilles,  and  other  cities  of 
Provence.  The  type  of  sarcophagus  adopted  in  the  valley  of  the  Rhone 
proceeded  from  Roman  models47  and  the  centre  of  this  Latin  school  was 
the  atelier  of  Arles.48  The  school  of  southern  Gaul,  of  the  second  Nar- 
bonnaise,  extended  as  far  west  as  Toulouse;  far  from  participating  in  the 
style  of  the  schools  of  Arles  and  Rome,  it  recalls,  on  the  contrary,  the 
Eastern  style  of  Ravenna  and  attaches  itself  by  contact,  more  or  less 
direct,  with  the  Christian  art  of  the  Orient.  The  Greek  culture  stream, 
coming  from  Alexandria  and  other  Hellenistic  centres  in  the  East,  which 
spread  into  Provence  from  Marseilles,49  influenced  even  the  school  at 
Arles,  and  some  of  its  sarcophagi  are  more  Hellenistic50  in  character  than 
those  of  Rome.  A type  such  as  Christ  Enthroned  among  His  Apostles,51 
rare  on  Roman  sarcophagi  and  common  on  those  of  Gaul,  recalls  in  its  ren- 


43Courajod,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  5-6. 

44  Salomon  Reinach,  Gas.  des  Beaux-Arts,  XI,  1894,  pp.  25-42. 

43  Reinach,  op.  cit.,  p.  26. 

46  Reinach,  op.  cit.,  p.  38;  Lognon,  Geographic  dc  la  Gaule  merovingienne , p.  177. 

4'  Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  chrctiens  dc  la  ville  d’Arles,  introduction,  p.  vi. 
4SCourajod,  op.  cit.,  pp.  105,  106. 

49  Schonewolf,  Die  Darstellung  dcr  Aufcrstehung  Christi,  p.  38;  Lentheric,  La  Grcce 
ct  YOrient  cn  Provence,  1848;  Louis  Jalabert,  Les  colonics  chretiennes  d’Oricntaux  du  Ve 
an  VHP  Siecle,  Revue  de  I’Orient  chretien,  IX  (1904),  pp.  96,  104. 

0 Schonewolf,  Die  Darstellung  der  Aufcrstehung  Christi,  p.  40. 

51  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pis.  343/1,  2,  3. 


198  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


dering  the  same  scene  on  the  Alexandrian  pyxis  at  Berlin,52  pointing  thus  to 
the  Hellenistic  art  of  Egypt.  It  is  the  Syrian  influence,  however,  which  is 
the  strongest  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence  and  is  the  most  interesting 
for  our  purposes.  While  the  number  of  actual  Syrian  tombs  in  Gaul  is 
large,53  the  decoration  of  many  others,  not  definitely  connected  with 
Syrians  by  inscriptions,  is  sufficient  in  itself  to  show  their  Eastern  in- 
spiration. 

“The  ornamental  forms  and  decorative  system  employed  by  a people 
have  more  importance  than  ethnological  facts  or  architectural  details  in 
determining  the  relations  and  migrations  of  a race.’’54  If  this  be  so,  the 
ornamental  proof  of  the  peaceful  Syrian  invasion  in  Gaul  is  convincing. 
The  elements  of  the  Oriental  grammar  of  decoration  which  occur  on  the 
sarcophagi  have  already  been  compiled  by  Courajod55  and  Marignan;56 
they  include  the  star  with  six  rays,  rosettes,  interlacings,  the  braid,  the 
heart  shaped  leaf,  the  helix,  the  palmette,  the  vase  with  birds  or  animals 
confronting  it,  and  above  all  the  grapevine. 

Among  the  many  analogies  in  decoration  between  Gaul  and  Syria  there 
are  five  motifs  which  most  clearly  show  the  ornamental  intimacy  between 
the  two  regions.  The  star  with  six  rays  was  one  of  the  most  common 
elements  of  decoration  on  the  buildings  and  tombs  of  the  East  and  it  was 
introduced  directly  into  Provence  from  Syria.57  It  entered  the  country, 
as  did  the  trade,  through  Narbonne,  and  from  the  region  around  Narbonne 
there  remain  several  examples  of  it  on  the  sarcophagi.58  The  running 
grapevine  with  or  without  birds  interspersed  among  the  leaves,  common  on 
the  buildings  of  Syria  from  the  earliest  to  the  latest  period,59  appears  on 
several  Gallic  reliefs  of  which  one  is  in  the  crypt  of  the  church  of  Saint  Vic- 
tor at  Marseilles.60  The  vase  with  a vine  or  palmette  growing  out  of  it  was 

52  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  fig.  no.  33  Courajod,  op.  cit.,  p.  119. 

34  Quoted  from  Ch.  Dresser  (Japan,  its  Architecture,  Art,  and  Manufactures,  1882)  by 
Pottier,  Gaz.  des  Beaux-Arts,  1890,  p.  129. 

33  Courajod,  op.  cit.,  p.  310. 

30  Marignan,  Louis  Courajod,  p.  20  sq,  132  sq. 

37  Marignan,  op.  cit.,  p.  134. 

38  Sarcophagus  of  Venasque  (Le  Plant,  Sarcophages  chretiens  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  LVI/2)  ; 
others  cited  by  Courajod  (op.  cit.,  pp.  121,  122;  figs.  7,  8,  9);  and  a sarcophagus  from 
Poitiers  (Le  Plant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XX/2). 

39  At  Safa  (De  Vogue,  Syrie  centrale,  pi.  24),  at  Si’  (op.  cit.,  pi.  3),  at  Sabba  (Pren- 
tice, Greek  and  Latin  Inscriptions,  Publ.  of  the  Princeton  University  Archaeological  Ex- 
pedition to  Syria,  P,  I,  p.  8),  at  Dana  (De  Vogue,  op.  cit.,  pi.  45). 

00  Sarcophagus  of  Soissons  (Le  Plant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  IV/i)  ; sarcophagus  of  Angouleme 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


199 


nearly  as  common  an  ornamental  motif  in  Gaul131  as  it  was  in  Syria.02 
The  decorative  border  of  heart  shaped  leaves  springing  from  a running 
stem  occurs  on  two  sarcophagi  of  Narbonne63  and  on  another  at  Le  Mas- 
Saint- Antonin04  which  is  near  Narbonne.  This  motif  was  character- 
istically Oriental  and  one  of  the  most  common  motifs  of  the  Syrian 
architectural  ornament.63  The  motif  of  the  two  peacocks,  symmetrically 
arranged  on  either  side  of  a vase  from  which  grows  a grapevine,  appears 
on  a sarcophagus  of  Provence66  in  a manner  that  recalls  the  same  form 
on  Syrian  churches.67  Furthermore,  the  arcade  motif68  so  common  on 
Gallic  sarcophagi69  as  well  as  the  animation  of  a flat  wall  by  curtains, 
birds,  and  vine  motives,  and  also  the  conch  shell  over  the  niche70  have 
already  been  shown  to  be  characteristic  of  Oriental  ornament. 

This  Eastern  ornament  was  spread  in  Gaul  by  three  agencies : first, 
the  Oriental  merchants  and  ecclesiastics  transmitted  for  execution  their 
own  native  ideas  to  the  local  schools  of  carving;  second,  they  also  intro- 
duced from  the  Orient  many  art  objects  which  served  as  models  for  the 
Provencal  work;  and  finally.  Eastern  craftsmen  themselves  entered  Gaul, 
along  with  the  general  migration  which  was  pouring  into  the  country. 
Gregory  of  Tours  states  that  the  Syrian  merchants  possessed  many  art 
objects  and  were  often  venders  of  them71  and  that  they  frequently  brought 
relics  of  Oriental  saints,72  which  must  have  been  encased  in  reliquaries 

(Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XXIV/3)  ; sarcophagus  of  Bordeaux  (Le  Blant,  op.  cit., 
pi.  XXXIII/i)  ; sarcophagi  of  Toulouse  (Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XXXVIII/i,  3)  ; 
sarcophagus  of  Saulieu  (Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  p.  3)  ; altar  of  Marseilles  (Le  Blant, 
op.  cit.,  pi.  X/4). 

^ Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pis.  XX/2,  XXVIII/i,  XXXIII/i;  p.  3. 

62  De  Vogue,  op.  cit.,  pis.  45,  62,  129,  151. 

63  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pis.  XLIV/2,  XLVI/i. 

54  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XLVITI/i. 

65  Relief  from  Phrygia  ( Revue  archeologique,  xxi,  1913,  pp.  333-339,  fig.  3)  ; De  Vogue, 
op.  cit.,  pis.  3,  4,  43,  62;  Prentice,  op.  cit.,  B,  I,  p.  40,  B,  II,  pp.  61,  76;  H.  C.  Butler, 
Ancient  Architecture  in  Syria,  Publ.  of  Princeton  Univ.  Exped.  to  Syria,  B,  II,  figs. 
88,  89,  94,  95;  Architecture  and  Other  Arts,  pp.  296,  302. 

Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  VI. 

e,~  De  Vogue,  op.  cit.,  pi.  45;  Prentice,  op.  cit.,  B,  I,  p.  8;  Butler,  Ancient  Architecture 
in  Syria,  B,  II,  figs.  68,  96. 

68  Schdnewolf,  op.  cit.,  p.  40;  O.  Wulff,  Bye.  Zcit.,  XIII,  1904,  p.  573;  Strzygowski, 
Orient  odcr  Rom,  p.  54. 

159  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pis.  II/i,  XIV,  XVII,  XVIII/2,  XLII/3,  etc. 

70  Schdnewolf,  op.  cit.,  p.  40;  Strzygowski,  Bye.  Zcit.,  XII,  1903,  p.  705,  “Mschatta,’' 
Jahrbuch  d.  Kgl.  Pr.  Kunstsammlungcn,  1904,  p.  260. 

71  Marignan,  Louis  Courajod,  p.  89,  note  1 ; Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc.,  IV,  35. 

72  Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc.,  VII,  ch.  32. 


200  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


of  Eastern  workmanship.  Besides  importing  the  foreign  works  of  art 
the  Syrians  were  sometimes  the  artisans,  mosaic  workers,  and  sculptors 
in  Gaul.73  An  inscription  of  Lyon74  mentions  the  presence  there  of  Con- 
stantine of  Germanicia  (Syria,  Commagene)  who  exercised  the  wholly 
Oriental  art  of  gold  and  silver  applique  on  metals  which  the  Romans  called 
ars  barbaricaria. 

The  special  ground  of  distinction,  however,  in  early  Christian  art  does 
not  lie  so  much  in  ornament  and  style  as  in  iconography,  the  method  of 
representing  the  scenes  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testaments.  In  the  few 
active  centres  of  Christianity  in  the  East,  as  Alexandria  and  Antioch, 
where  the  new  faith  first  took  form  as  a religion  to  be  defended  and  pro- 
mulgated and  where  there  was  first  felt  the  necessity  of  enlisting  the  aid 
of  art  in  its  advancement,  the  more  appealing  and  theologically  important 
features  of  the  new  religion  were  symbolized  in  Hellenistic  forms.  When 
Christianity,  working  westward,  permeated  the  Empire,  carrying  with  it 
new  forms  of  pictorial  representation,  these  Hellenistic  symbolic  types 
found  in  the  West  a ready  acceptance.  In  Rome  and  the  West,  as  well 
as  throughout  the  Empire  until  the  fifth  century,  Christianity  was  occupied 
in  its  artistic  creations  chiefly  with  the  expression  of  dogma,  with  the 
justification  of  the  new  faith  in  the  eyes  of  paganism,  and  with  the  con- 
version and  edification  of  the  people.  Therefore,  with  all  their  interest 
centred  in  the  theological  significance  of  their  works  and  with  no  concern 
for  fidelity  to  nature,  the  artists  who  painted  the  catacombs  and  carved 
the  sarcophagi  of  the  first  five  centuries  gladly  accepted  these  Hellenistic 
types  as  a solution  of  a distracting  problem. 

While  the  West  continued  to  follow  in  its  art  the  meagre  descriptions 
of  Biblical  scenes  in  the  canonical  Gospels,  and  with  its  increasing  interest 
in  symbolism,  allegory,  and  analogy  adhered  to  the  established  Hellen- 
istic types,  the  Christian  art  in  the  East  was  developing  along  different 
lines.  In  the  first  place,  the  liturgies  of  the  East  differed  from  those  of 
the  West  and  there  were,  therefore,  other  scenes  to  be  figured  in 
Oriental  art.  Furthermore,  Oriental  art  was  reverting  to  latent  in- 
digenous characteristics.  With  the  dissolution  of  the  Roman  Empire  the 
classical  traditions  of  the  Hellenistic  period  were  gradually  submerged 

1 

73  Frohner,  La  verrcrie  antique,  p.  124. 

74  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  14. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE  201 


in  the  rising  tide  of  national  feeling  throughout  Syria,  Anatolia,  and 
Egypt.  The  result  of  this  Oriental  assertion  was  that  the  East  became 
dissatisfied  with  the  impersonal,  restrained,  and  somewhat  abstract  ac- 
counts of  the  life  and  teachings  of  the  Saviour  as  they  were  related  in 
the  canonical  books,  which  had  been  written  under  classical  influence, 
and  demanded  more  animate,  personal,  and  appealing  narrations  of 
the  life  and  miracles  of  Jesus  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  giving  rise  in 
the  East  to  a large  body  of  apocryphal  writings  which  at  once  re- 
ceived the  credence  of  the  people  and  consequently  became  popular  in  the 
art.  In  the  East,  therefore,  from  the  liturgies  which  gave  to  the  artists 
new  feasts  to  be  represented,  from  the  apocryphal  gospels  giving  more 
detailed  and  narrative  versions  to  the  episodes  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
from  the  assertion  of  Oriental  ideas  of  frontality  and  symmetry  in  art, 
there  developed  a cycle  of  Biblical  scenes  difitering  radically  in  iconography 
from  those  of  Rome. 

PROVENCAL  TYPES  OF  EASTERN  ORIGIN 

The  first  artistic  impulse  in  Gaul,  as  in  Rome,  was  Hellenistic.  Again, 
as  the  sarcophagus  style  of  Rome  spread  into  Gaul  and  there  was  estab- 
lished at  Arles  a school  of  sculptors  who  adhered  in  the  main  to 
the  Roman  manner,  the  art  of  southern  France  tended  to  preserve  the 
Hellenistic  types  even  after  they  had  begun  to  die  out  at  Rome.  At  the 
same  time  there  appear  on  these  Gallic  monuments  several  Eastern  types 
which  show  that  there  was  a steady  infiltration  of  Oriental  iconography 
from  the  fifth  century  on.  It  is  the  presence  of  these  Eastern  scenes,  exe- 
cuted after  Oriental  methods,  and  the  Eastern  ornament  along  with  the 
regular  Hellenistic  and  Western  types  that  gives  to  the  art  of  Provence 
its  peculiar  eclectic  character.  The  following  scenes  are  examples. 

The  Virgin  in  the  Temple  (Fig.  153),  labelled  by  an  inscription, 
occurs  on  a fifth  century  slab  in  the  crypt  of  Saint  Maximin,75  and 
again  on  the  Milan  book  covers  and  the  Werden  casket.  From  the 
fourth  century  Syria  took  an  extremely  active  part  in  the  development 
of  Mariolatry76  and  a feast  of  the  Virgin  was  introduced  from  the  East 
into  the  Gallican  church  a century  before  the  first  feast  of  the  Virgin  was 

Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  p.  148,  pi.  LVII/i. 

70  Lucius,  Lcs  origitics  du  culte  dcs  Saints,  p.  603 


202  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

solemnized  by  the  church  of  Rome  in  the  seventh  century.77  In  fact  the 
devotional  attitude  of  the  church  in  Rome  toward  the  Virgin  was  very 
slight  until  after  Eastern  prelates,  apocryphal  books,  and  Eastern  art  com- 
menced to  gain  control  in  the  sixth  century.  The  first  representation  in 


Fig.  153.  St.  Maximin  : inscribed  slab. 

The  Virgin  in  the  Temple. 

Rome  of  the  Virgin,  alone  and  as  an  object  of  veneration,  occurs  in  a 
sixth  century  fresco  of  Santa  Maria  Antiqua,78  which  was  executed  under 
Eastern  influences.  Therefore,  while  the  possibilities  of  a Roman  origin 
for  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  are  negligible,  the  importance  which  was 
given  to  her  life  by  the  Syrian  church  would  account  for  the  appearance 
of  the  scene  at  St.  Maximin,  a dependency  of  the  monastery  of  Saint  Victor 
founded  by  Cassianus,  a monk  who  had  spent  much  of  his  early  life  in 
the  Orient. 

Joseph  Assured  by  an  Angel  that  he  need  have  no  fear  to  take 
Mary  to  wife  is  represented  on  a sarcophagus  of  Le  Puy79  (Fig.  154). 
The  only  other  representations,  with  the  exception  of  the  scene  on 
the  Werden  casket,  which  is  also  Provenqal,  where  Joseph  is  represented 
receiving  an  angel  in  his  sleep,  are  on  monuments  of  Egyptian  origin. 
They  are  the  ivory  chair  of  Maximianus80  (see  Fig.  150),  which  was  exe- 
cuted at  Alexandria,  and  a fresco  at  Antinoe81  (see  Fig.  151).  The  Recon- 

77  Duchesne,  Origines  du  culte  chretien,  p.  258. 

78  Griineisen,  Sainte-Marie- Antique,  pi.  XLVI. 

70  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XVII/4.  This  event  is  related  in  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  (i, 
20),  in  the  Protevangelium  of  James  (Michel,  Evangilcs  apocryphes,  p.  29),  and  in  the 
Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  (Michel,  op.  cit.,  p.  91). 

80  Garrucci,  Storia,  VI,  pi.  417/3. 

81  Leclercq  in  Cabrol's  Dictionnaire  d’arclicologie  chretienne  et  dc  liturgie,  s.  v.  “Ane,” 
col.  2060,  fig.  599. 


. A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE  203 

ciliation  of  Joseph  and  the  Virgin,  which  also  occurs  on  this  same  sarcopha- 
gus, from  its  dependence  solely  on  the  apocryphal  sources  and  its  unique 
character  in  the  West  at  this  time,  is  also  evidence  of  Oriental  iconography 
in  Gaul. 

The  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Three  Magi,  as  a scene  separate 
from  the  Nativity,  is  depicted  on  two  sarcophagi  of  Arles82  (see  Fig.  26), 
on  the  Milan  book  covers  and  on  the  Werden  casket.  The  Roman  church 
did  not  celebrate  the  appearance  of  the  star,  but  in  Syria  it  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany  on  January  6.83 

The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  which  appears  on  a sarcophagus  cover 


Fig.  154.  Le  Puy:  sarcophagus.  Joseph 

REASSURED  BY  THE  ANGEL.  RECONCILIATION  OF 

Joseph  and  Mary. 

at  St.  Maximin84  (see  Fig.  56),  as  well  as  on  the  Berlin  ivory  and  the 
Milan  book  covers,  points  conclusively  to  Eastern  inspiration.  There 
was  no  feast  of  the  Holy  Innocents  in  Rome  until  at  least  a century 
after  their  remains,  brought  from  the  Orient  to  Marseilles  by  St. 
Cassianus  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  had  been  worshipped 
at  Marseilles  and  in  the  neighboring  towns.  Cassianus  deposited  the  relics 
of  the  Holy  Innocents  in  the  Church  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles,  which 
he  founded  after  414,  but  distributed  portions  of  them  in  neighboring 
churches  of  Provence.85  Among  the  churches  favored  in  this  way  we 
may  certainly  include  that  of  St.  Maximin,  which  was  itself  a de- 
pendency of  St.  Victor.  The  style  of  the  sarcophagus  cover  points  to 

82  Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  chreticns  dc  la  ville  d’Arles,  pis.  XXI,  XVIII. 

i?-  See  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi,  p.  34. 

84  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  LVI/i. 

8"  See  p.  67. 


204  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century,  and  it  is  likely  that  the  scene  of  the 
Massacre  of  the  Innocents  which  adorns  it  commemorated  the  advent  of 
relics  of  the  Holy  Innocents  at  St.  Maximin. 

The  scene  of  Christ  and  the  Samaritan  Woman  at  the  Well  was 
frequently  represented  on  the  monuments  both  of  the  East  and  of  the 
West.  The  Hellenistic  and  hence  the  Roman  method  was  to  depict  the 
Saviour  standing  at  the  side  of  the  well;  while  the  Eastern  method,  the 
Syrian,  Palestinian-Coptic,  and  Byzantine,  figured  Him  seated.86  On 
three  sarcophagi  of  Provence87  Christ  is  represented  in  the  traditional 
Roman  manner  standing  at  the  side  of  the  well ; but  on  a sarcophagus  of 
Narbonne88  He  is  seated  after  the  Eastern  manner,  showing  the  existence 
in  Gaul  of  the  two  distinct  iconographical  traditions. 

Ananias  Being  Carried  Out  is  represented  on  a sarcophagus  of  the 
Abbey  Saint-Ruf.89  Although  only  a fragment,  the  scene  is  practically 
the  same  as  that  on  the  Brescia  casket  which  Strzygowski  attributes  to 
Asia  Minor.90  The  fact  that  these  are  the  only  two  representations  of 
the  scene  in  eSily  Christian  art  makes  the  analogy  more  striking. 

86  The  scene  of  Christ  and  the  Woman  of  Samaria  adheres  to  the  same  iconographic 
classification  as  the  other  scenes  treated  in  the  first  part  of  this  volume.  The  Hellen- 
istic type,  which  was  only  concerned  with  symbolism,  disregards  the  Biblical  account 
which  says  that  Jesus  sat  down  at  the  well  (John  iv,  1-26)  and  persistently  represents 
Jesus  and  the  woman  standing  at  either  side  of  the  well.  In  the  Oriental-Hellenistic 
type  the  same  method  of  representation  is  preserved  on  the  Brescia  Casket  and  the  gold 
encolpium  in  the  Museum  at  Constantinople.  The  Alexandrian-Coptic  type,  which  was 
a native  adaptation  of  the  Hellenistic  iconography  of  Alexandria,  shows  Christ  standing 
but  introduces  the  Eastern  form  of  well  house.  The  examples  of  this  type  occur  on 
the  Maximianus  chair  and  pyxides  in  the  Cluny  Museum,  the  Basilewsky,  Youlgrave, 
and  Uwaroff  Collections.  The  actual  Eastern,  or  Syrian  rendering  which  later  became  the 
Byzantine  type,  follows  the  Biblical  account  and  depicts  the  Saviour  seated  at  one  side 
of  the  well ; this  method  appears  in  the  Rabula  Gospels,  on  an  ivory  cover  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,  and  a pyxis  in  the  Louvre.  It  occurs  in  the  West  not 
only  on  two  sarcophagi  of  Gaul  but  also  in  the  mosaics  of  the  Baptistery  at  Naples  and 
the  church  of  Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna,  and  on  the  ciborium  columns  of  San 
Marco.  After  the  seventh  century  this  type  with  the  seated  Christ  appears  to  have  become 
the  customary  method  of  representation  in  the  East  and  occurs  later  in  the  Italo-Byzan- 
tine monuments.  As  a souvenir  of  the  traditional  Oriental  iconography,  there  is  pre- 
served today  at  Constantinople,  as  one  of  the  rarest  relics  of  Hagia  Sofia,  the  rock 
upon  which  Christ  sat  when  He  conversed  with  the  Samaritan  woman  (Le  Blant,  Scire, 
chret.  de  la  Gaule,  p.  no). 

87  Sarcophagus  of  Arles  (Le  Blant,  Save,  chrflt.  de  la  villc  d’ Arles,  pi.  XVIII/2),  of 
Clermont  (Le  Blant,  Sarc.  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  X\  III/2),  of  Nimes  (Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi. 
XXX/4). 

88  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  402/7;  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XLVII/2. 

89  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  VIII/4. 

90  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  444 ; Strzygowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  213. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


^05 


In  further  confirmation  of  the  Oriental  influence  on  Provencal  iconog- 
raphy, Schonewolf  points  out  the  Asia  Minor  type  of  the  young  Christ 
with  long  hair  falling  in  locks  over  His  shoulders,  on  a sarcophagus  of 
Nimes.91  Furthermore,  on  a sarcophagus  of  Marseilles92  and  on  one  of 
Arles93  occurs  the  Palestinian  type  of  the  seated  Christ,  bearded  and  with 
long  hair. 

The  means  by  which  these  Eastern  types  passed  into  Gallic  iconography 
were  doubtless  the  ivories  and  other  objects  of  the  minor  arts  which  af- 
forded convenient  articles  of  import  to  the  Oriental  traders.  Vestments, 
ornamented  with  scenes  of  the  Gospels,  also  played  their  part.94  Syrian 
influence  in  iconography  may  perhaps  be  recognized  in  the  description  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  of  a Crucifixion  in  the  Genesius  church  of  Narbonne 
wherein  Christ  is  raised  naked  on  the  cross  after  the  Oriental-Hellenistic 
type  95  The  apparent  scandal  that  this  exhibition  of  an  unclad  Saviour 
caused  in  Provence  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  would  suggest  that  the 
painting  at  Narbonne  antedated  such  an  antipathy  and  was  probably  done 
in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  century  when  this  rendering,  as  seen  on  the 
doors  of  Santa  Sabina  at  Rome  and  on  the  ivory  plaque  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum, which  I would  attribute  to  Provence,  was  the  prevalent  type.96  At 
the  same  time,  the  marked  aversion  of  the  populace  by  the  close  of  the  sixth 
century  to  the  naked  Saviour  also  suggests  that  the  colobium  type  of  the 
Crucifixion,  which  depicts  Christ  clad  in  a long  garment,  as  is  seen  in 
Oriental  Crucifixions  of  that  period,  had  been  introduced  into  Provence 
and  was  the  recognized  and  preferred  manner  of  representation. 

To  sum  up:  During  the  first  seven  centuries  of  our  era  there  was  in 

Provence  an  increasing  invasion  of  Syrian  merchants,  an  influx  strong 
enough  in  some  cases  to  control  many  of  the  principal  towns.  With  these 
merchants  came  the  missionaries  and  monks  who  founded  churches  and 
monasteries  on  Eastern  models  and  kept  alive  a relation  with  the  Christian 
East,  quite  as  intimate  as  that  with  Rome.  At  the  same  time  that  the 
commercial  and  religious  expansion  was  spreading  over  Gaul  and  Provence, 

91  Schonewolf,  op.  cit.,  p.  40. 

92  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pis.  341/4. 

93  Garr.,  op.  cit.,  V,  pi.  342/3. 

94  Brehier,  op.  cit.,  p.  28. 

9’  Gregory  of  Tours,  Dc  Gloria  Martyrum,  XXIII. 

99  See  p.  187,  note  1. 


206  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Oriental  craftsmen  and  Eastern  art  objects,  such  as  ornamented  reliquaries, 
embroideries,  and  carved  ivories,  were  entering  the  country  through  Mar- 
seilles, Narbonne,  and  the  other  ports  of  Provence.  Therefore,  the  art  of 
Provence,  traditionally  Gallo-Roman  and  Hellenistic,  whose  initial  style 
was  that  of  the  sarcophagus  carvers  of  Rome,  gradually  turned,  even  on 
the  sarcophagi  themselves,  to  Eastern  ornament,  peculiar  to  the  churches 
of  Syria,  and  Eastern  methods  of  representing  the  scenes  of  the  Gospels. 
This  art,  however,  was  an  eclectic  one  and  the  Oriental  characteristics  ap- 
peared only  as  interpolations  in  a Latin  setting. 

It  is  apparent  that  Provence  was  a region  where  the  ideas  and  customs 
of  the  East  and  West  met  freely  and  where  the  mark  of  Oriental  influence 
was  clearly  defined.  The  society  in  Provence,  so  largely  Syrian,  the  East- 
ern character  of  the  church,  and  the  constant  introduction  of  Eastern  art 
objects,  made  it  a centre  peculiarly  equipped  to  execute  the  group  of  ivory 
carvings  to  be  discussed  in  the  following  pages.  In  the  discussion  of  the 
early  Christian  scenes  in  Part  I,  I have  already  noted  the  peculiar  and 
Provencal  character  of  the  iconography  found  on  these  ivories;  I shall 
now  assemble  tbe  data  thus  afforded,  studying  the  ivories  separately  and 
considering  the  Provencal  school  as  a whole. 


Ill 

IVORY  BOOK  COVERS  IN  MILAN  CATHEDRAL 

Book  covers  Milan 

Date  c.  500  A.  D.  Cathedral 

In  Milan  cathedral  are  two  ivory  book  covers  (Figs.  155,  156)  which 
are  the  most  interesting  and  important  examples  of  this  disputed  group 
of  ivory  carvings.  The  scenes  depicted  on  these  panels  are  all  drawn  from 
either  the  canonical  or  apocryphal  accounts  of  the  life  of  Christ  and  offer 
an  extensive  range  of  iconography.  At  the  centre  of  the  first  cover  (Fig. 
155)  is  a rectangular  panel,  formed  by  a delicate  acanthus  border,  in  which 
is  carved  a wreath  rich  with  various  fruits  and  flowers  and  bound  at  the 
bottom  by  a ribbon  the  ends  of  which  flutter  off,  like  scrolls,  into  the  two 
lower  corners  of  the  panel.  Within  the  wreath  is  the  Lamb  of  God, 
crowned  with  a laurel  nimbus  and  executed  in  cloisonne  enamel.  In 
the  background,  behind  the  lamb,  appear  the  outlines  of  two  pilaster  strips. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


207 


Fir,. 


Milan  : Cathedral,  ivory  hook  cover. 


208  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


capped  with  Corinthian  capitals,  supporting  an  unadorned  lintel  which,  in 
its  turn,  bears  a cornice  carved  with  acanthus  leaves.  Across  the  top  of 
this  cover  is  a long  panel  with  the  Nativity  in  the  centre  and,  at  either 
corner,  a symbol  of  an  Evangelist  framed  by  a wreath.  Reading  down, 
the  scenes  on  the  left  are  the  Annunciation  to  the  Virgin  at  the  Spring,  the 
Three  Magi  Gazing  at  the  Star  of  Bethlehem,  and  the  Baptism  of  Christ. 
The  scenes  on  the  right,  following  the  same  order,  read : The  Virgin  in 

the  Temple,  Christ  among  the  Doctors,  and  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  In 
a panel  extending  across  the  bottom  of  the  cover  is  depicted  the  Massacre 
of  the  Innocents  before  Herod,  and  in  the  corners  are  busts,  framed 
in  wreaths,  of  the  two  Evangelists  whose  symbols  appear  in  the  two  upper 
corners. 

The  second  cover  (Fig.  156)  has  the  same  middle  panel  with  the  acan- 
thus border  and  pilaster  strips;  between  the  pilasters  stands  a cross  in 
cloisonne  and  from  the  lintel  hang  curtains  which  are  caught  back  to  the 
pilasters.  The  cross  is  set  upon  Mt.  Zion  from  the  base  of  which  flow 
the  four  rivers  of  life.  Within  the  horizontal  panel  at  the  top  is  the 
Adoration  of  the  Magi  and  a symbol  of  an  Evangelist  in  each  corner,  the 
lion  for  Mark  and  the  eagle  for  John.  The  scenes  on  the  vertical  panel 
at  the  left,  reading  down,  are  Christ  Healing  the  Blind,  the  Paralytic,  and 
the  Raising  of  Lazarus.  On  the  right,  following  the  same  order,  are 
Christ  (seated  upon  a globe)  Presenting  Wreaths  to  Two  Saints  or 
Apostles,  the  Last  Supper,  and  the  Widow’s  Mite.  The  Miracle  of  Cana 
with  the  heads  of  two  Evangelists  in  the  corners  Alls  the  bottom  panel. 

The  iconography  of  the  scenes  on  the  two  covers,  regarding  them  in 
sequence,  shows  a peculiar  mingling  of  Eastern  and  Western  methods  of 
rendering  the  Gospel  events.  This  eclectic  character  of  the  iconography 
is  consistent  to  a marked  degree  with  the  eclectic  character  of  the  orna- 
ment and  iconography  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence  and  in  a general 
way  with  the  constant  infusion  of  Oriental  forms,  customs,  and  religious 
rites  into  the  more  native  Roman  traditions  of  southern  Gaul.  It  has 
already  been  shown  how  freely  the  ideas  and  customs  of  the  East  and 
West  met  and  mingled  in  Provence  and  how  the  society  in  Provence,  so 
largely  Syrian,  the  Eastern  character  of  the  church,  and  the  constant  intro- 
duction of  Eastern  art  objects,  made  it  a centre  peculiarly  adapted  to 
execute  a group  of  ivories  whose  motifs  and  iconography  present  a curious 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN 


PROVENCE 


209 


3*^ 


vW'WKWMi)4-\A y-W  vV 


SwVivv 


^ /».'  1 ‘/try  A,  in  K,  A^77ynr^ 


Fig.  156.  Mi 


ATHEDRAL,  IVORY  BOOK 


COVER. 


210  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

mixture  of  Oriental  and  Occidental  methods.1  Moreover,  several  of  the 
scenes  on  the  covers  are  compositions  peculiar  to  the  monuments  of 
Provence.  As  one  would  naturally  imagine  in  a region  where  Syrian 
influence  was  dominant,  the  scenes  dealing  with  the  life  of  the 
Virgin  and  the  infancy  of  Jesus  are  based  on  Eastern  apocryphal  gos- 
pels instead  of  on  the  canonical  books,  which  were  faithfully  adhered 
to  under  the  Roman  church  during  the  first  five  centuries  of  Christian  art. 
While  many  of  the  scenes  are  based  upon  apocryphal  sources,  they  do  not 
appear  to  follow  the  purely  Oriental  books  but  conform  more  closely  to 
the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew.2  This  partial  dependence  of  the  artist 
of  the  Milan  covers  on  a semi-Oriental  apocryphal  gospel  not  only  aids 
in  explaining  the  presence  of  Eastern  iconography  in  the  West  but  is  also 
consistent  with  the  heterogeneous  racial  and  religious  elements  in  Provence 
which  would  readily  have  received  a gospel  like  Pseudo-Matthew. 

I shall  here  review  in  brief  the  iconographic  features  of  the  book 
covers,  which  have  been  developed  more  fully  in  Part  I.  The  iconog- 
raphy of  the  scenes  on  the  covers  is  principally  Western  and  for  the  most 
part  may  be  connected  with  Provence.  Intermingled,  however,  with  Occi- 
dental types  are  Oriental  features  which,  as  I pointed  out  in  the  Intro- 
duction, have  given  rise  to  the  divergent  opinions  among  the  writers  on 
these  covers  as  to  their  place  of  origin.3  If  my  classification  of  the  types 
of  the  various  scenes,  which  I have  sought  to  sustain  in  the  first  part  of 
this  volume,  is  accepted,  the  Western  origin  of  the  Milan  book  covers  is 
unquestionably  demonstrated.  Of  the  sixteen  scenes  appearing  on  the 
ivories  seven,  the  so-called  Nativity,  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  the  Heal- 
ing of  the  Paralytic,  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  the  Presentation  of  the 
Crowns,  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem,  and  the  Last  Supper,  are  types  peculiar 
to  the  Christian  art  of  the  Occident  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  century.  In 
contrast  to  these  Western  types  the  rendering  of  the  Healing  of  the  Blind 
is  a Syrian  type,  while  the  Miracle  of  Cana  and  the  Last  Supper  present 
in  their  compositions  transitional  types  marked  by  the  introduction  of 
Eastern  elements  into  Western  renderings  of  the  scenes.  At  the  end  of 
the  fifth  century,  moreover,  when  the  Milan  covers  were  carved,  such 
scenes  as  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  the  Annunciation  at  the  Spring,  and 
the  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi  could  only  have  been  executed 

1 See  p.  192  sq.  2 See  pp.  8,  12,  18,  35,  70.  3 See  p.  188. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


21  I 


in  a community  where  the  influence  of  the  Eastern  church  was  strong 
and  where  Oriental  forms  were  popular.  Moreover,  five  of  the  scenes, 
the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  the  Annunciation  at  the  Spring,  the  Adoration 
of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  the  Appearance  of  the  Star,  and  Christ  among 
the  Doctors,  are  based  on  the  Latin  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  which,  up 
to  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  shared  with  other  apocryphal  gospels  the 
disapproval  of  the  church  at  Rome.  Of  the  other  scenes  on  the  Milan 
covers,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  and  the  Baptism  are  distinctly  Pro- 
vencal. These  last  two  scenes,  together  with  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple, 
the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  the  Appearance  of  the  Star,  and 
the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  occur  as  types  or  show  details  peculiar  to  the 
group  of  ivories  that  I would  attribute  to  Provence  and  are  represented 
in  the  form  which  they  assume  on  monuments  either  found  in  Provence 
or  stylistically  connected  with  that  region.  These  six  scenes,  by  their  dis- 
tinctive composition  and  rendering,  isolate  the  ivories  as  products  of  a 
particular  school  whose  most  important  product  remaining  to  us  is  the 
diptych  in  the  Cathedral  of  Milan. 

The  evidence  for  the  Western  origin  of  the  covers  is  amply  conclusive: 
the  representation  of  what  is  generally  recognized  as  the  Nativity  but  is 
really  a scene  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass4  is  a Western  type, 
since  the  event  is  depicted  in  a shed  instead  of  in  the  open  as  on  all  East- 
ern examples;5  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  is  to  be  classified  as  Western 
from  the  fact  that  the  Magi  are  beardless  ;c  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic, 
wherein  the  cured  man  is  depicted  in  profile  holding  his  bed  upside  down 
on  his  back  as  he  faces  the  Saviour,  conforms  exactly  to  the  type  used 
in  the  catacombs  and  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome  ;7  the  Raising  of  Lazarus 
in  which  Christ  touches  with  His  wand  the  figure  of  Lazarus  who,  swathed 
like  a mummy,  stands  with  his  head  covered  in  the  doorway  of  a little 
aedicula  set  upon  a podium  while  one  of  the  sisters  of  Lazarus  kneels  at 
his  feet,  is  peculiar  to  the  representations  on  Western  sarcophagi  and  does 
not  occur  on  Eastern  monuments:8  Christ  enthroned  on  a globe,  both 
in  the  scene  of  the  Presentation  of  the  Crowns  and  in  the  Widow’s  Mite, 
is,  as  far  as  existing  examples  show,  an  Italian  conception  appearing  as 
early  as  the  fourth  century  in  Rome9  while  the  Presentation  of  the 

4 See  p.  19. 

7 See  p.  104. 


’ See  p.  22. 
* See  p.  1x2. 


G See  p.  38. 
r‘  See  p.  142. 


212 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Crowns  was  common  to  the  monuments  of  Rome,  Ravenna,  and  Gaul; 
in  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem  Christ  rides  astride  after  the  manner 
of  representation  in  the  West  and  in  distinct  contrast  to  the  Eastern  ren- 
dering where  He  is  always  depicted  riding  sidewise  after  the  Oriental 
fashion;10  and  finally  the  Last  Supper  sustains  the  Western  origin  by  the 
retention  in  the  composition  of  the  loaves  and  fishes,  which,  as  symbols 
of  the  Eucharist,  replace  the  bread  and  wine  of  the  actual  event  which 
were  represented  in  the  East.11 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Western  origin  of  the  covers  is  clear,  certain 
iconographic  types  and  features  of  composition  appear  that  betray  a dis- 
tinctly Eastern  origin  and  show  that  the  ivories  were  executed  at  a time 
when  Hellenistic  symbolism  in  the  West  was  breaking  down  under  Eastern 
influence  and  that  they  were  done  in  a community  where  Oriental  and 
Occidental  types  might  naturally  mingle  and  tend  to  produce  an  eclectic 
art.  In  the  first  place  the  Healing  of  the  Blind,  where  two  men  instead 
of  one  present  themselves  to  Jesus  for  aid,  is  an  Eastern  type.12  The 
Miracle  of  Cana  shows  a transitional  type  wherein  the  simple  and 
highly  symbolic  Hellenistic  type  begins  to  break  down  under  the  Oriental 
tendency  to  give  a more  narrative  rendering  to  Biblical  events  and  to 
make  of  this  scene  an  actual  representation  of  the  wedding  feast; 
while  the  figure  of  Christ  is  represented  touching  with  His  wand  the  jars 
of  water,  after  the  symbolic  method  in  the  West,  a narrative  interpretation 
has  been  given  to  the  scene  by  the  introduction  of  a servant  pouring  the 
water  into  the  jars  and  by  increasing  the  number  of  spectators  from  one 
to  eight.13  In  much  the  same  manner  the  Last  Supper,  while  manifestly 
of  Western  origin,  shows  again  a transitional  type  in  that  the  scene  is 
represented  as  an  actual  event  after  the  Eastern  manner  while  Western 
characteristics  appear  in  the  retention  of  the  symbolic  loaves  and  fishes 
and  the  abbreviation  of  the  number  of  disciples  to  three.14  The  Eastern 
influence  in  the  covers  is  also  shown  by  the  reflection  in  certain  scenes  of 
the  Eastern  liturgy.  While  no  examples  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple 
appear  on  Eastern  monuments  before  the  eighth  century,  the  relation  of 
the  scene  with  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  in  Syria  where  a particular  liturgy 
had  been  conceived  in  memory  of  the  life  that  Mary  spent  in  the  temple, 

]1  See  p.  136. 

14  See  p.  136. 


10  See  p.  124. 
13  See  p.  91. 


12  See  p.  100. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


213 


the  fact  that  the  event  is  only  mentioned  in  the  apocryphal  gospels,  and 
the  absence  of  any  feast  of  the  Virgin  in  Roman  liturgies  before  the 
seventh  century,  present  evidence  that  such  a scene  could  have  been  carved 
only  in  a community  where  Eastern  religious  forms  were  observed.15 
The  Annunciation  to  the  Virgin  at  the  Spring  is  also  an  inherently  Orien- 
tal scene,  for  it  again  is  only  related  in  the  apocryphal  gospels,  and 
in  subsequent  art  appears  only  on  the  monuments  of  the  Orient.16 
The  Appearance  of  the  Star  is  an  Oriental  motif,  for  this  scene  had 
no  liturgical  significance  in  the  Roman  church  as  it  had  in  Syria, 
where  on  the  night  of  January  6,  besides  the  Birth  and  the  Adora- 
tion of  the  Shepherds,  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  was  especially  cele- 
brated.17 The  dependence,  moreover,  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,18  the 
Annunciation  at  the  Spring,19  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,20 
the  Appearance  of  the  Star,21  and  Christ  among  the  Doctors22  on  the 
Latin  apocryphal  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew  indicates  an  origin  for  the 
ivories  in  a mixed  community  that  was  basically  Western  but  where  East- 
ern forms  were  popular.23 

It  must  be  granted,  then,  that  the  Milan  covers  present  an  odd  mixture 
of  Oriental  and  Occidental  iconography  and  could  have  been  produced 
only  in  a community,  such  as  I have  shown  Provence  to  have  been,  where 
Eastern  and  Western  forms  freely  intermingled.  Reviewing  now  those 
features  of  the  iconography  which  connect  the  covers  most  directly  with 
Provence,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  is  above  all  others  the  most  con- 
vincingly Provencal  of  the  scenes  on  the  covers.  Besides  connecting  the 
covers  with  southern  Gaul  and  probably  with  the  church  of  St.  Victor 
at  Marseilles,  it  is  the  one  scene  that  most  closely  binds  together  the  group 
of  ivories.  The  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  does  not  appear  either  in  the 
catacombs  or  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome.24  Of  the  twelve  examples  of 
the  scene  which  occur  before  the  ninth  century,  four  are  Eastern,  one  is 
Roman  and  strikingly  different  from  all  the  rest,  and  the  remainder  are 
to  be  connected  with  Gaul.  The  representations  from  Syria  and  Egypt 
in  the  Rabula  Gospels,  the  frescoes  of  Antinoe,  a pyxis  in  the  Louvre,  and 
a censer  at  Cairo,  as  well  as  the  scene  on  the  arch  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria 

15  See  p.  10.  16  See  p.  11.  17  See  p.  33. 

15  See  p.  9.  19  See  p.  12.  20  See  p.  20. 

21  See  p.  35.  22  See  p.  70.  23  See  p.  191. 

24  See  p.  60. 


214  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Maggiore  at  Rome,  all  show  the  sword  type  wherein  the  soldiers  kill  the 
children  with  their  swords.  On  the  Milan  ivory,  however,  as  on  the 
other  ivories  of  the  group,  is  the  smashing  type  where  the  soldiers  hurl 
the  innocents  to  the  ground.  The  first  example  of  the  smashing  type  is 
on  a sarcophagus  cover  of  the  early  fifth  century  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Maxi- 
min  in  Provence.  In  the  sixth  century  the  type  occurs  in  the  miniatures 
inserted  into  a Carolingian  manuscript  at  Munich  and  in  the  ninth  century 
appears  on  two  Carolingian  book  covers.  The  type  was  thus  traditional  in 
Gaul  and  the  earliest  example  we  know  was  found  in  the  famous  crypt  of 
St.  Maximin  whither  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  Gaul  were  wont  to  travel, 
to  do  reverence  before  its  relics.  The  original  provenience  of  the  smashing 
type  may  be  located  by  the  close  connection  of  the  church  of  St.  Maximin 
with  the  abbey  church  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles.  The  Holy  Innocents 
were  worshipped  from  ancient  times  at  Marseilles  and  their  relics  were 
brought  from  the  Orient  to  that  city  by  Cassianus.  It  is  likely,  then,  that 
in  the  church  of  St.  Victor,  whence  the  cult  in  Provence  emanated,  the 
smashing  type  originated ; and  it  is  even  possible  that  the  Milan  covers 
were  executed  under  the  auspices  of  this  same  abbey  in  Marseilles. 

The  distinctive  composition  of  the  Baptism  and  its  presence  on  the 
Werden  casket,  the  Bodleian  book  cover,  and  the  Berlin  fragment,  as  well 
as  on  the  Milan  covers,  places  the  origin  of  the  whole  group  in  that  region 
where  any  one  of  the  ivories  may  be  shown  to  have  originated.  Since 
no  doubt  can  be  expressed  as  to  the  Western  and  Gallic  origin  of  the 
Bodleian  ivory25  the  fact  that  the  same  singular  composition  of  the 
Baptism,  as  well  as  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  occurs  on  that 
ivory  as  on  the  Milan  covers,  offers  one  proof  of  the  Gallic  origin  of  the 
Milan  ivories.  The  features  of  the  Baptism  which  are  uniformly  pre- 
served on  all  the  ivories  and  distinguish  the  scene  from  other  representa- 
tions are:  the  small  Christ  with  long  hair,  the  bearded  John  the  Baptist 
wearing  an  exomis  and  carrying  in  his  hand  a shepherd’s  crook,  and  the 
waters  of  the  Jordan  piled  up  behind  Christ  like  a waterfall.26 

The  Western  character  of  the  scene  on  the  Milan  ivory  is  evinced  by 
several  details : Jesus  is  immersed  in  the  water  only  to  His  ankles  after  the 
manner  of  representation  on  the  Western  sarcophagi  while  on  the  Eastern 


25  See  p.  248  sq. 


26  See  p.  76. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


2I5 


monuments  He  is  waist  deep  in  the  Jordan;  He  is  small  of  stature,  which 
is  a more  common  feature  of  Western  than  of  Eastern  scenes;  the  exomis 
which  John  wears  instead  of  the  pallium  is  more  frequently  used  in  the 
West  than  in  the  East.27  The  characteristic  of  the  composition,  however, 
which  distinguishes  the  scene  from  all  others  and  marks  the  group  is  the 
pedum,  or  shepherd's  crook,  which  John  carries.  The  only  other  example 
of  the  pedum  in  a scene  of  the  Baptism  is  in  a mosaic  of  Santa  Maria 
in  Cosmedin  at  Ravenna  where  the  composition  in  other  details  is  quite 
different.  Another  detail  that  clearly  connects  the  scene  with  Provence 
is  the  manner  of  representing  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  as  a waterfall. 
The  waterfall  occurs  on  no  Eastern  representations  and  appears  on  only 
one  Roman  sarcophagus.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  a feature  of  the  Baptism 
on  two  sarcophagi  of  Arles,  on  one  of  Soissons,  one  of  Mas  d’Aire,  and 
on  another  of  Madrid.  With  the  exception  of  the  pedum,  the  features 
of  the  composition  on  the  Milan  cover  are  those  of  the  Baptisms  on  the 
sarcophagi  of  Provence. 

Besides  the  last  two  scenes,  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  the  Adoration 
of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  the  Appearance  of  the  Star,  and  the  Adoration 
of  the  Magi,  which  all  occur  on  two  or  more  of  the  ivories  of  the  group, 
may  be  attributed  to  Provence.  In  the  first  place  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple, 
that  appears  on  both  the  Milan  and  Werden  ivories  and  nowhere  else  in 
the  early  Christian  art  of  either  East  or  West,  occurs  in  an  abbreviated 
rendering  on  a fifth  century  slab  of  the  crypt  of  St.  Maximin  which  at 
once  associates  the  scene  with  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles. 

The  representation  of  what  is  generally  recognized  as  the  Nativity 
but  is  really  a scene  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  besides 
occurring  in  identical  manner  on  the  Milan,  Werden,  and  Nevers  ivories 
of  the  group  and  later  on  the  Carolingian  book  cover  in  the  Bodleian 
which  was  copied  from  the  diptych  of  which  the  Nevers  fragment  was 
possibly  a part,  may  be  compared  to  a unique  representation  of  the  same 
scene  on  a sarcophagus  of  Arles.28  The  scene  on  the  sarcophagus  of  Arles, 
in  that  the  Magi  are  also  figured  adoring  the  Child,  is  a frank  com- 
bination of  the  two  adorations  in  a symbolical  sense  without  any  con- 
nection with  the  Nativity.  That  the  same  curious  combination  of  the  two 
adorations  was  in  the  mind  of  the  ivory  carver  is  shown  by  the  way  in 

27  See  Table  IV. 


28  See  Fig.  14. 


2 1 6 A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


which  he  associated  the  two  scenes;  the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass, 
coming  out  of  chronological  order,  occupies  on  one  cover  the  large  top 
panel  while  the  same  place  is  assigned  to  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  on 
the  other  cover. 

The  links  that  bind  the  Milan  scenes  to  Provence  are  further 
strengthened  by  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Three  Magi.29 
While  this  is  combined  with  the  Adoration  on  Roman  monuments, 
it  appears  as  a separate  scene  on  the  Milan  covers,  and  in  like  manner 
on  two  sarcophagi  of  Arles.30  Its  rendering  on  the  ivory,  where 
the  Magi  wear  odd  notched  chitons  and  look  with  marked  gestures 
of  surprise  at  the  star  above  their  heads,  is  identical,  even  to  the  cut 
of  the  chitons  and  the  specific  gestures  of  the  Magi,  with  the  sarcophagi 
representations.  It  is  nearly  identical,  again,  with  the  scene  of  three  young 
Hebrews  before  the  bust  of  the  Assyrian  king  on  a sarcophagus  of  St. 
Gilles.31  Besides  the  Appearance  of  the  Star,  which  more  firmly  estab- 
lishes the  attribution  of  the  Milan  covers  to  Gaul,  it  is  also  to  be  noted 
that  the  very  rare  representation  of  the  Widow’s  Mite,  which  appears  on  the 
covers,  was  seen  in  the  fifth  century  by  Perpetuus  on  the  walls  of  the  church 
of  Saint  Martin  at  Tours.  As  to  the  other  scenes,  which  I have  not  at- 
tempted to  attach  directly  to  Provence,  reference  to  the  iconographical 
discussions  in  the  first  part  of  the  book  will  show  that  none  of  them  hinders 
the  attribution  and  many  of  them  show  special  details  which  are  more 
similar  to  the  scenes  on  Provengal  sarcophagi  than  to  those  of  Rome. 

The  eclectic  character  of  these  ivory  covers,  whose  iconography  is  so 
largely  that  of  Roman  monuments  and  whose  scenes  yet  present  so  many 
marks  of  Eastern  influence,  reflects  quite  naturally  the  eclectic  nature  not 
only  of  the  art  of  Provence  but  also  of  the  racial,  social,  and  religious 
characteristics  of  the  region. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  ornament  on  the  Milan  book  covers  manifests 
no  conclusive  arguments  for  the  Provencal  origin  of  the  covers  although 
it  fully  sustains  the  attribution.  At  first  sight  the  curious  use  of  orfevrerie 
cloisonne e would  seem  to  complicate  the  question  of  locating  the  ivories. 
In  fact  it  has  given  rise  to  the  suggestion  that  the  lamb  and  cross  may 
have  been  added  some  centuries  after  the  covers  were  carved.  This  ob- 
vious solution  of  the  difficulties  is  unsatisfactory,  for  it  does  not  account 


29  See  p.  34- 


30  See  Fig.  26. 


31  See  p.  35. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


217 

for  the  framed  spaces  which  the  absence  of  the  lamb  and  cross  would 
have  left  vacant,  and  it  should  be  resorted  to  only  when  it  is  proved  that 
such  gold  work  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  was  impossible.  To 
Strzygowski,  who  believes  that  orfevrerie  cloisonnee  originated  in  Ar- 
menia,32 its  presence  on  the  covers  would  tend  to  prove  that  they  came 
from  Asia  Minor.33 

The  Eastern  origin  of  cloisonne  is  readily  admitted.  Both  Molinier34 
and  Kondakoff35  agree  in  attributing  its  inception  to  Persia;  and  it  was 
probably  known  and  used  in  the  Christian  art  of  Constantinople  as  early 
as  the  time  of  Constantine.36  There  was,  however,  a marked  difference 
between  the  technique  of  the  cloisonne  in  gold  that  was  brought  into  Gaul, 
as  Molinier37  and  Lasteyrie38  assert,  by  the  barbarians  from  the  north  and 
the  Byzantine  process,  which  was  later  introduced  from  the  south.  The 
Northern  method  consisted  in  a cloisonne  setting  of  either  semi-precious 
stones  or  bits  of  colored  paste  in  gold,  while  the  Byzantine  process  was 
the  usual  pure  enamel  cloisonne  in  which  the  enamel  was  spread  into  small 
spaces  of  the  design  outlined  by  fine  gold  wires  and  was  then  polished 
down  to  a perfectly  smooth  surface.  Inasmuch,  then,  as  the  cross  on  the 
Milan  covers  is  made  of  square  and  circular  stones  set  in  gold,  and  the 
lamb,  according  to  Dalton,39  is  made  up  of  stones  which  have  not  been 
polished  down  to  a flat  surface,  the  use  of  this  Northern  and  un-Byzantine 
process  is  consistent  with  the  Provengal  origin  of  the  covers. 

Moreover,  the  “barbaric  art”  of  gold  work  found  in  the  Merovingian 
graves  of  France  is  in  many  cases  almost  identical  with  the  ornament  on 
the  ivories.  The  tomb  of  Childeric  (d.  481)  at  Tournay  contained  the 
sword  of  a chieftain  which  has  a hilt  and  handle  decorated  with  a 
cloisonne  not  unlike  that  of  the  lamb  on  the  Milan  cover.40  At  Gourdon 
there  was  discovered  a flat  dish  ornamented  in  the  middle  with  a cloisonne 

32  Van  Berchem  and  Strzygowski,  Amida,  p.  352;  Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeol- 
ogy,  p.  59,  note  1. 

33  Strzygowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  198. 

34  Molinier,  L’orfdvrerie  religieuse  et  civile,  p.  17. 

35  Kondakoff,  Histoire  et  monuments  des  emaux  byzantins,  1892,  p.  63. 

33  Dalton,  Byz.  Art  and  Arch.,  pp.  495-496. 

37  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  p.  18;  Marignan,  Louis  Courajod,  p.  112. 

33  Lasteyrie,  Tresor  de  Guarrazar,  Paris,  i860.  Note,  however,  the  strong  case  made 
out  by  Riegl,  in  his  Spatromische  Kunstindustrie,  for  the  Roman  origin  of  Granatanlagen. 

39  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  p.  57. 

4 Molinier,  in  Michel’s  Histoire  de  I’art  chret.,  I,  p.  407. 


2l8 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


cross  composed  of  alternating  pieces  of  circular  and  rectangular  stones  or 
glass  which  is  similar  to  the  cross  on  the  book  covers.  Other  excavations 
scattered  over  France41  have  disclosed  numerous  examples  of  this  work 
whose  fabrication  may  be  dated  from  the  fifth  to  the  seventh  century.42 
There  is  also  the  testament  of  Perpetuus,  which  tells  of  the  gold  work 
which  was  done  in  Gaul  as  early  as  the  fifth  century,43  and  the  evidence  of 
Gregory  of  Tours  that  beautiful  pieces  of  gold  work  set  with  stones  existed 
in  Narbonne  and  Avignon.44  While  Labarte  would  show  that  the  earliest 
examples  of  this  work  in  Gaul  came  from  Constantinople,  he  points  out  that 
Gaul  in  the  early  Christian  times  had  already  acquired  a great  reputation 
in  the  art  of  goldwork  and  the  cities  of  Arles,  Rheims,  and  Trier  had 
ateliers  where  work  was  done  for  the  emperors.45 

It  therefore  seems  justifiable,  as  far  as  the  cloisonne  work  on  the  covers 
bears  on  the  attribution,  to  assume  that  the  Milan  covers  were  executed 
in  Provence  for,  if  anything,  this  particular  form  of  ornament  appears 
to  sustain  the  attribution.  Even  the  point  made  by  Strzygowski,  that  the 
lamb  and  the  cross  were  Palestinian  motives,  does  not  bear  on  the  ques- 
tion for  Schonewolf  has  already  remarked  Syro-Palestinian  influence  on 
the  Gallic  sarcophagi  in  the  frequent  use  of  the  “crux  gemmata.”46  In 
fact,  even  if  these  motives  be  Eastern,  the  corresponding  representation  of 
the  lamb  on  a sarcophagus  from  St.  Maximin47  would  help  confirm  the 
attribution  to  Provence. 

Aside  from  the  cloisonne,  the  ornament  on  the  Milan  book  covers  is  not 
particularly  instructive  in  locating  the  ivories.  The  Corinthian  capitals 
and  the  acanthus  mouldings  which  frame  the  panels  are  simply  a debased 
rendering  of  classical  motives  such  as  might  be  found  in  any  artistic  centre 
where  Hellenistic  traditions  still  survived.  In  the  central  panel  the  two 
curtains  draped  back  to  the  columns,  while  a common  enough  motive  in 
the  East,  was  not  very  common  on  the  monuments  of  Rome  and  seldom 
appears  on  the  Roman  sarcophagi.  At  the  same  time  this  motive  occurs 

41  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  I,  pp.  408-410. 

42  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  p.  410. 

43  Labarte,  Histoire  dcs  arts  industrials,  I,  p.  416. 

44  Labarte,  op.  cit.,  pp.  420-423 ; Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc.,  Ill,  10;  VII,  36  sq. 

45  Labarte,  op.  cit.,  p.  415. 

46  Schonewolf,  Die  Darstcllung  dcr  Auferstehung  Christi,  p.  32. 

47  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  LVI/i. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


219 


frequently  on  the  sarcophagi48  of  southern  Gaul  which  show  marked  East- 
ern influence,  including  a sarcophagus  of  St.  Maximin,  and  became  later 
one  of  the  most  distinctive  features  of  Carolingian  art. 

While  the  symbols  of  the  Evangelists  no  doubt  spread  from  Egypt  and 
originated49  from  the  liturgical  cycle  of  Egypt,  their  use  as  personal  em- 
blems with  the  figures  of  the  Evangelists,  as  they  occur  on  the  Milan 
covers,  was  Western  and  their  first  appearance  with  the  Evangelists  oc- 
curred in  a mosaic  of  the  Baptistery  of  St.  John  Lateran.'"  A very 
cogent  argument  against  the  suggested  origin  of  the  Milan  covers  in  Asia 
Minor  is  the  fact  that  in  the  Rossano  Gospels  from  Anatolia  the  writing 
figure  of  the  Evangelist  Mark  appears  without  the  emblem. 

The  costumes  of  some  of  the  figures  on  the  ivories  are  either  similar 
to  the  traditional  dress  of  Gaul  or  like  the  dress  seen  on  certain  Gallic 
sarcophagi.  During  the  early  centuries  of  Christian  art  the  form 
of  dress  was  Hellenistic.  In  the  sixth  century,  however,  the  rich 
Byzantine  costumes  of  the  Orient  already  appear  in  art.  The  first  repre- 
sentation in  Rome  of  the  Madonna  in  the  rich  robes  of  a Byzantine  em- 
press is  found  in  the  sixth  century  at  Santa  Maria  Antiqua  and  in  Ravenna 
we  see  these  new  forms  of  dress  in  the  mosaics  of  Sant’  Apollinare  Nuovo, 
and  Sant’  Apollinare  in  Classe.  Marignan,  in  discussing  the  various  aspects 
of  Merovingian  society,51  writes  that  the  Gallo-Roman  women  wore 
the  tunic  with  the  long,  straight  sleeves,  the  dalmatica,  the  paenula, 
and  the  pallium;  these  different  vestments  were  generally  ornamented  with 
embroidery.  According  to  the  same  authority,52  the  women  also  wore 
their  hair  either  hanging  loose  upon  their  necks  or  bound  in  a knot  on 
the  top  of  their  heads.  W7ere  it  not  for  this  description  of  the  costume 
of  the  Gallic  women,  which  so  accurately  accords  with  the  dress  of  the 
young  Virgin,  in  the  two  scenes  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  and  the 

4- Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pis.  XIX/i  (Clermont),  XXXIV  (St.  Guilhem-du-Desert) , 
XXXVII,  XL/i  (Toulouse),  XLVIII/3  (Le  Mas-Saint- Antonin),  and  LV/3  (St. 
Maximin). 

4S  Bye.  Zcit.,  XV,  p.  702. 

Garr.,  op.  cit.,  IV,  pi.  239.  While  the  mosaic  is  now  destroyed,  this  method  of  de- 
picting the  Evangelists  became  customary  in  the  West.  In  the  East,  however,  the  artists 
sometimes  depicted  the  four  symbols  alone,  often  combining  them  in  a single  figure  known 
as  the  Tetramorph,  “but  never,  during  the  great  period,  associating  them  severally 
with  the  Evangelists’-  (C.  R.  Morey,  East  Christian  Paintings  in  the  Freer  Collection, 
1914.  p.  39). 

51  Marignan,  La  Socicte  Merovingienne,  1899,  p.  127. 

r'2  Marignan,  op.  cit.,  p.  129. 


220  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Annunciation  by  the  Spring,  on  the  Milan  covers,  one  would  almost  think 
her  costume  Byzantine.  It  accounts  for  the  modish  manner  in  which  her 
hair  is  dressed  and  for  the  heavy  embroideries  which  border  her  garments. 
Regarding  the  male  garments  as  they  appear  on  the  covers,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  costume  of  the  soldiers  of  Herod  in  the  Massacre  of  the 
Innocents  is  identical  with  the  costume  of  the  soldiers  in  the  same  scene 
on  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Maximin  and  is  preserved  in  Merovingian  times 
in  the  miniatures  of  the  Codex  Purpureus  of  Munich  and  also  in  the  Judg- 
ment of  Solomon  on  a Carolingian  ivory  in  the  Louvre.53  Besides  the 
dress  of  the  Magi,  whose  similarity  in  costume  to  the  Magi  on  Provencal 
sarcophagi  has  already  been  mentioned,  the  costumes  of  the  other  figures 
are  either  the  regular  Hellenistic  dress  used  in  the  art  of  the  period  or 
the  traditional  dress  for  particular  figures. 

The  date  of  the  Milan  book  covers  may  be  estimated  fairly  closely 
to  be  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century.  The  earliest  date  which 
has  been  assigned  is  the  fifth  century  and  the  principal  authorities  to  sus- 
tain it  are  De  Rossi,54  Dobbert,55  and  Stuhlfauth.56  Bugati57  held  that 
they  were  executed  about  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  or  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century;  Kondakoff38  and  Schmid39  assign  them  to  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth  century;  Labarte,60  Westwood,61  and  Dalton62 
attribute  them  to  the  sixth  century  while  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent63 
puts  them  as  late  as  the  close  of  the  same  century.  The  average  then, 
of  the  dates  which  have  been  assigned  to  the  covers  would  lie  between 
the  close  of  the  fifth  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century.  Such 
a date,  c.  500  A.  D.,  may  be  sustained  on  other  grounds  than  the  appear- 
ance of  the  ivories  and  the  vague  criteria  of  style. 


53  Hermann  Hieber,  Die  Miniaturen  des  frilhen  Mittelalters,  fig.  53,  illustrates  the 
manuscript  and  Molinier,  Hist,  des  Arts  Appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  pi.  XIII,  the  ivory. 

64  De  Rossi,  Bull.,  1865,  p.  26. 

53  Dobbert,  Repertorium,  VIII,  1885,  p.  173. 

56  Stuhlfauth,  Die  altcliristliche  Elfenbeinplastik,  pp.  70-71. 

5T  Bugati,  Memorie  storiche,  etc.,  1782,  p.  280. 

58  Kondakoff,  Hist,  ct  nvon.  des  emaux  byz.,  1892,  p.  78. 

59  Schmid,  Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Christi,  p.  111. 
co  Labarte,  Histoirc  des  arts  industriels,  I,  p.  43. 

61  Westwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  no.  95,  p.  38. 

02  Dalton,  Byz.  Art  and  Arch.,  p.  202. 

63  Grimouard  de  Saint-Laurent,  Revue  de  l’ art  chretien,  XV,  1872,  p.  408;  to  these 
should  be  added:  Strzygowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  198;  Venturi,  Storia,  I,  p.  509:  Molinier, 

Hist,  des  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  61 ; Haseloff,  lb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXIV,  p.  49. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE  221 


In  the  first  place,  most  of  the  scenes  on  the  covers  dealing  with  the  early 
life  of  Christ  and  the  Virgin  are  based  upon  the  account  in  the  Latin 
Pseudo-Matthew.  By  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  the  popularity  of  the 
Eastern  apocryphal  gospels  in  the  West  had  become  so  great  that  Pope 
Gelasius  (492-496)  issued  a decree  against  their  use,  which  was  recalled 
under  the  following  pontiff.  The  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  clearly  the 
source  of  many  scenes  on  the  Milan  covers,  was  compiled  during  the  course 
of  the  fifth  century,  according  to  the  general  view,  and  probably,  as  I have 
pointed  out,  at  the  beginning  thereof.64 

Furthermore,  the  first  feast  of  the  Virgin  was  not  introduced  from 
the  East  into  Gaul  before  the  sixth  century  and  it  is  doubtful  if  a work 
like  the  Milan  cover,  where  two  special  scenes  of  the  Virgin  are  repre- 
sented, would  have  been  executed  much  before  her  cult  was  established. 
That  the  covers  could  not  have  been  carved  very  late  in  the  sixth  century 
is  shown  not  only  by  the  fact  that  the  style  is  of  the  early  sarcophagi  of  the 
West  but  also  because  they  present  so  many  types  of  scenes  peculiar  to 
the  sarcophagi  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  and  show  only  traces  of 
Eastern  iconography.  Also,  by  the  fifth  century  in  Provence  we  have 
seen  this  same  mingling  of  Eastern  and  Western  iconography  and  orna- 
ment on  the  sarcophagi  from  which  some  of  the  peculiar  scenes  of  the 
covers,  as  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  the 
Appearance  of  the  Star,  and  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem,  were  derived. 
From  the  dependence  of  the  covers  on  the  Latin  Pseudo-Matthew,  from 
the  Virgin  scenes,  and  from  their  relation  with  the  best  sarcophagi  types 
of  the  fifth  century,  I would,  therefore,  place  the  execution  of  the  Milan 
book  covers  about  500  A.  D. 


IV 

WERDEN  CASKET  IN  THE  VICTORIA  AND  ALBERT  MUSEUM 

Casket  South  Kensington 

Date.  . .500-525.  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum. 

In  the  \ ictoria  and  Albert  Museum  in  South  Kensington  there  are  pre- 
served three  sides  of  a small  ivory  casket  (Figs.  1 5 7- 159)  which  came  from 


4 See  p.  191. 


222 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


the  abbey  of  Werden  in  Westphalia.1  Commencing  with  the  long  panel 
(Fig.  157),  which  was  probably  the  front  of  the  casket,  and  reading  to 
the  left,  the  scenes  run  as  follows:  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple,  the  Visita- 
tion, the  Departure  of  the  Virgin  from  the  Home  of  Elizabeth,  Joseph’s 
Dream,  and  the  Annunciation  by  the  Spring.  The  short  panel  of  what 
was  the  left  hand  side  of  the  box  is  lost  but,  from  the  sequence  of  the 
scenes  and  from  their  similarity  to  the  scenes  on  the  Milan  covers,  it  must 
have  borne  the  representation  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents.  On  the 
other  long  panel  (Fig.  158)  occur  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Magi, 
the  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  and  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 


Fig.  157.  S.  Kensington:  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum, 

IVORY  CASKET  FROM  WERDEN.  FRONT. 


Finally,  on  the  short  panel  (Fig.  159)  of  the  right  side  of  the  casket  are 
depicted  the  coming  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  to  John  the  Baptist  at 
the  Jordan,  the  Laying  of  the  Ax  to  the  Unfruitful  Tree,  and  the  Baptism 
of  Christ. 

The  principal  reason  for  connecting  the  Werden  casket  with  Provence 
is  its  marked  similarity  to  the  Milan  covers.  While  some  of  the  scenes 
are  different  and  there  are  certain  slight  variations  in  the  iconography  of 
the  scenes  which  are  common  to  both  ivories,  the  likeness  of  the  two  works 
is  so  close  that  several  authorities  have  considered  them  to  have  been 
carved  by  the  same  hand  and  all  agree  that  they  came  from  the  same  art 
centre.  Inasmuch  as  the  greater  part  of  the  scenes  on  the  casket  are  the 
same  in  subject  and  rendering  as  those  on  the  covers,  the  casket  necessarily 
shows  an  eclectic  iconography,  a tendency  to  follow  the  account  of  the 
scenes  in  the  Gospel  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  and  is  to  be  attributed  along 
with  the  Milan  covers  to  a Provengal  atelier.  Such  new  scenes  as  appear 
on  the  casket  are  so  uncommon  in  early  Christian  art  of  the  sixth  century 


1 Garr.,  Storia,  VI,  pi.  447/1,  2,  3. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


223 

that  they  may  well  be  neglected  as  far  as  the  solution  of  the  origin  of  the 
box  is  concerned. 

The  scene  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  is,  with  the  exception  of  the 
priest  who  reads  by  the  steps  of  the  temple,  similar  to  the  same  scene  on 
the  Milan  cover.  While  it  has  been  interpreted  by  Westwood2  to  represent 
Zacharias,  book  in  hand,  standing  by  the  temple,  such  an  interpretation, 
as  well  as  that  of  Stuhlfauth,3  who  calls  the  scene  ‘‘the  annunciation  of 
the  birth  of  Mary  to  Zacharias,”  is  impossible,  for  no  recognition  is  made 
of  the  figure  of  the  young  maiden  toward  whom  the  angel  looks  as  he 
points  heavenward.  That  this  maiden  is  meant  to  represent  the  Virgin 
is  partly  shown  by  the  similarity  of  her  costume  and  hair  with  the  figure 
of  the  Virgin  in  the  scene  of  the  Annunciation.  The  interpretation  of 
De  Waal4  and  Leclercq,5  that  it  depicts  the  Presentation  of  the  Virgin 
in  the  Temple,  is,  so  far  as  the  original  meaning  of  the  scene  goes,  the 
same  as  my  own,  which  has  already  been  set  forth.6  The  assertion  of 
Stuhlfauth  that  the  explanation  offered  by  De  Waal  is  impossible  because 
the  Presentation  of  the  Virgin  was  unknown  in  early  Christian  art  does 
not  take  into  account  the  fifth  century  slab  found  at  St.  Maximin  in 
Provence,  where  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  is  represented  with  an  explana- 
tory inscription.  While  the  priest,  as  I have  said,  is  omitted  in  the  scene 
on  the  Milan  covers  (see  Eig.  1),  the  two  renderings  are  otherwise  iden- 
tical and.  in  spite  of  this  one  difference,  are  clearly  related.  With  this  in 
mind,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  source  of  the  scene  is  the  Gospel 
of  Pseudo-Matthew  as  in  the  case  of  so  many  of  the  scenes  on  the  Milan 
covers,  a fact  which  is  also  pointed  out  by  De  Waal. 

Following  the  Virgin  in  the  Temple  should  come  the  Annunciation  by 
the  Spring;  but  the  demands  of  composition  were  such  that  apparently  the 
artist  chose  to  use  this  scene  as  a suitable  terminus  for  his  panel.  Other- 
wise. the  scenes  as  they  are  depicted  on  the  casket  adhere  to  the  order  of 
events  as  related  in  the  Gospels.  Of  the  Annunciation  nothing  more  can 
be  said  than  has  already  been  advanced  regarding  the  same  scene  on  the 

2 \\  estwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  p.  42. 

3 Stuhlfauth,  Die  altcliristliche  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  72. 

4 De  Waal,  Rom.  Quar.,  I,  p.  185. 

Leclercq  in  Cabrol’s  Dictionnaire  d’archeologie  chritienne  et  de  liturgie,  s.  v. 
“Apocryphes,”  col.  2557. 

6 See  p.  7. 


224  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

Milan  cover  (see  Fig.  4),  for  both  are  identical  even  to  the  embroidered 
dress  of  the  Virgin.7 

The  Visitation,  where  Mary  and  Elizabeth  meet  before  a building 
with  two  towers,  which  represents  the  “city  of  Juda”  wherein  Elizabeth 
dwelt,8  does  not  occur  on  the  Milan  covers.  Elizabeth,  standing  with 
her  back  to  the  towers  as  she  extends  her  arms  to  the  approaching  Virgin, 
wears  a heavy  veil  after  the  fashion  of  a matron,  and  a mantle  whose 
long  sleeves  hang  down  at  her  side.  The  Virgin,  on  the  other  hand,  as 
befits  her  age  and  position  at  the  time,  is  clothed  in  more  simple  and 
youthful  garments  and  her  hair  is  dressed  in  a more  stylish  manner.  As 
a means  of  locating  or  dating  an  early  Christian  monument,  the  Visitation 
is  wellnigh  useless.  Outside  the  fact  that  the  scene  does  not  occur  before 
the  sixth  century  and  only  appears  on  monuments  which  were  either  of 
Eastern  origin  or  may  be  connected  with  the  East,  it  offers  no  distinctive 
iconography.  While  there  have  always  been  two  methods  of  representing 
the  scene,  one,  as  on  the  ivory,  where  the  two  women  meet  without  em- 
bracing, and  the  other  where  they  clasp  each  other  in  their  arms,  neither 
type  seems  to  have  been  peculiar  to  any  specific  region  or  century.  Since 
the  greater  part  of  the  examples  occur  on  monuments  from  Syria  or 
Egypt,  we  may  only  assume,  if  we  accept  the  Provenqal  origin  of  the 
Werden  casket,  that  the  scene,  like  so  many  others  we  have  seen  in 
Provence,  is  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  large  Oriental  population  in  Pro- 
vence and  the  intimate  relation  of  the  region  with  the  East. 

The  Visitation  is  followed  by  a s,cene  which  is  even  less  instructive 
and  helpful  and  warrants  only  the  briefest  description,  as  it  is  unique  in 
the  Christian  art  of  the  first  eight  centuries,  save  for  the  curious 
fresco  of  the  Departure  of  the  Virgin  from  Elizabeth’s  House,  at  Bawit.9 
The  two  standing  figures,  it  is  to  be  noted,  are  the  same  in  every  detail  of 
their  costumes  as  the  two  women  in  the  Visitation,  the  figure  at  the  right 
corresponding  in  respect  to  her  heavy  veil  and  matronly  garb  to  the  mother 
of  John,  while  the  other  woman  at  the  left  is  similar,  in  her  more  maidenly 
attire,  to  the  Virgin.  The  composition  of  the  group  is,  moreover,  similar  to 
that  of  the  Visitation,  save  for  the  fact  that  the  two  women  instead  of  ad- 

7 See  Figs.  4 and  5. 

8 This  is  the  interpretation  given  to  the  scene  by  Westwood  (op.  cit.,  p.  42)  and  by 
Stuhlfauth  (op.  cit.,  p.  72). 

9 Cledat,  C.  R.  Acad.  Inscr.,  1904,  p.  525- 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


vancing  to  greet  one  another  appear  to  have  turned  their  backs  as  if  the 
event  commemorated  were  a farewell.  This  representation,  then,  can  only 
be  explained  as  the  departure  of  Mary,  after  her  three  months  visit,  from 
the  home  of  Elizabeth.  If  this  is  the  correct  interpretation,  the  source  of 
the  scene,  as  of  the  Visitation,  would  probably  be  the  account  in  the  Gospel 
of  Luke  (i,  56). 

After  the  departure  of  the  Virgin  there  is  depicted  on  this  panel  the 
Appearance  of  an  Angel  to  Joseph.  While  this  does  not  occur  on 
the  Milan  covers,  there  are  reasons  for  connecting  it  with  Provence.  In 
the  first  place  it  follows  the  account  in  both  the  Latin  Pseudo-Matthew 
and  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  where  it  is  related  that  Joseph,  being  of  a 
mind  to  put  Mary  aside  when  he  found  her  upon  her  return  from  the  home 
of  Elizabeth  heavy  with  child,  was  visited  in  his  sleep  by  an  angel  who 
assured  him  that  he  need  have  no  fear.  Furthermore,  the  only  example 
of  the  scene  which  is  similar  to  that  on  the  ivory  occurs  on  a sarcophagus 
of  Le  Puy10  (Fig.  154).  Besides  being  very  rare  in  early  Christian 
art,  its  narrative  character  and  lack  of  symbolism  would  suggest  its  origin 
in  a region  where  the  Oriental  fondness  for  historical  representations  of 
Biblical  events  was  more  active  than  in  Rome.  Moreover  the  other  ex- 
amples of  the  scene  which  appear  on  Egyptian  monuments  present  a ren- 
dering quite  different  from  that  on  either  the  ivory  or  the  sarcophagus. 
On  the  Maximianus  chair  (Fig.  150)  and  in  a fresco  of  Antinoe  (Fig. 
1 5 1 ) , Joseph  sleeps  in  Eastern  fashion  on  a mattress.  On  the  ivory, 
however,  Joseph  lies  on  the  ground,  while  on  the  sarcophagus  he  is 
curled  up  on  a little  couch.  His  costume  on  both  the  ivory  and  the 
sarcophagus  is  the  same,  while  it  is  different  from  his  dress  on  the  two 
Egyptian  examples.  The  type  would  then  seem  to  be  a local  and  Gallic 
one. 

The  next  scene  occupied  the  short  panel  of  what  was  the  left  side  of 
the  casket.  This  panel,  however,  is  gone  and,  although  I think  from  the 
sequence  of  the  scenes  on  the  casket  and  their  general  similarity  to  those 
on  the  Milan  covers  that  it  contained  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  it  is 
useless  to  speculate.  Passing,  then,  to  the  long  panel  (Fig.  158)  which 
was  at  the  back  of  the  box,  the  next  scene  is  the  Appearance  of  the  Star. 

The  Appearance  of  the  Star  to  the  Three  Magi  is,  in  the  first  place, 
10  Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophagcs  chretiens  de  la  Gaulc,  pi.  XVII/4. 


226 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


identical  with  the  scene  on  the  Milan  covers  (see  Fig.  27),  even  to  the 
attitude  and  odd  chitons  of  the  Magi;  second,  like  the  scene  on  the 
covers,  it  is  similar  to  the  rendering  of  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  on  the 
Provencal  sarcophagi  and  is,  therefore,  to  be  connected  with  that  section 
of  southern  Gaul  where  the  sarcophagi  and  the  covers  were  executed. 11 

I he  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass,  which  is  next  in  sequence,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  rendering  of  the  same  scene  on  the  Milan  covers  (see 
Fig  12),  which  it  seems  to  follow,  may  be  connected  with  the  account 
of  the  event  in  the  Latin  version  of  Pseudo-Matthew,  and  related  to  the 


Fig.  158.  S.  Kensington:  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  ivory  casket 
from  VVerden.  Back. 


representations  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence.1-  Its  close  similarity  to 
the  Milan  scenes  appears  in  practically  every  detail  of  the  composition, 
but  especially  in  the  presence  of  Joseph  carrying  a curiously  shaped  saw 
and  in  the  marked  form  of  the  manger  crib  covered  with  straw  or  a soft 
material  whose  folds  radiate  from  under  the  Child.  Whatever  is  true  for 
the  Milan  scene  holds  good,  then,  for  the  representation  on  the  casket. 

The  relationship  between  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  on  the  casket  and 
the  same  subject  on  the  Milan  covers  (see  Fig.  35)  is  apparent.  As  on 
the  Milan  ivory,  the  Virgin,  heavily  veiled  and  seated  on  a cathedra  with 
a round  back  like  those  on  the  Roman  sarcophagi,  rests  her  feet  on  a 
suppedaneum  and  holds  in  her  lap  the  young  Jesus  who  is  clothed  in  a 
long  tunic  as  a child  of  two  years;  from  the  left  the  Magi,  dressed  in  the 
distinctive  notched  chitons  and  flowing  chlamydes,  advance  in  a line 
toward  the  Child,  bearing  their  gifts.  The  fact  that  the  gifts  of  the  Magi 
differ  in  the  two  representations  is  of  no  importance,  for  no  artistic  tradi- 
tion as  to  the  kinds  of  gifts  which  the  Wise  Men  brought  from  the  East 
was  constantly  maintained.13  The  type,  where  the  Magi  are  all  beard- 
less14 and  advance  in  a line,  is  the  Hellenistic  type  peculiar  chiefly  to  the 

11  See  p.  216.  12  See  p.  215.  13  See  p.  40. 

14  It  has  been  said  that  the  first  Magus  is  bearded.  Since  the  ivory  has  been  badly 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


sarcophagi  representations  in  the  West.10  The  rendering  on  the  casket 
appears  to  have  been  based  rather  on  the  Adoration  of  the  Milan  hook 
covers  than  on  any  text,  and  the  characteristic  which  connects  this  repre- 
sentation on  the  Werden  ivory  with  Provence  is  its  obvious  and  symbolic 
combination  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi16  with  the  Adoration  of  the 
Ox  and  the  Ass.  This  symbolic  combination,  while  occurring  on  the 
ivories,  appears  most  convincingly  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Provence.1' 

Finally,  on  the  last  panel  (Fig.  159)  there  is  represented  a combination 
scene  wherein  one  part  illustrates  the  words  of  John  the  Baptist  when 
he  was  preaching  to  the  people  of  Judea  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan 
prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Saviour,  and  the  complementary  portion  depicts 
the  subsequent  Baptism  of  Jesus.  The  scene  at  the  left  of  the  panel  shows 
three  men  fleeing  from  the  gates  of  a city  and  approaching  one  who  buries 
his  ax  in  the  coils  of  a viper  wrapped  about  the  roots  of  a tree,  while  a 
second  man.  on  the  further  side  of  the  tree,  raises  his  ax  in  preparation 
for  cutting  down  the  unfruitful  tree.  The  representation  is  a direct  pic- 
torial rendering  of  the  words  of  John,  recounted  in  the  third  chapter  of 
Matthew  and  Luke : “Oh  generation  of  vipers,  who  has  warned  you  to 

flee  from  the  wrath  to  come?  . . . and  now  also  the  ax  is  laid  unto  the 
root  of  the  trees : therefore  every  tree  which  bringeth  not  forth  good  fruit 
is  hewn  down  and  cast  into  the  fire.”  While  unique,  to  my  knowledge, 
among  the  scenes  of  Christian  art  before  the  ninth  century  and,  therefore, 
valueless  for  comparative  iconography,  this  composition  shows  that  the 
casket  was  executed  in  an  art  centre  which  was  not  subservient  to  estab- 
lished traditions  and  only  makes  more  manifest  the  eclectic  and  varied 
nature  of  this  school  of  ivory  carvers  in  Provence. 

The  Baptism,  which  completes  the  scenes  on  the  Werden  casket,  offers 
a composition  which,  regardless  of  two  added  features,  resembles  so  closely 
the  scene  on  the  Milan  covers  as  well  as  on  the  other  ivories  of  the  Pro- 
vencal group,  that  I have  called  the  type  Provencal.18 

Although  the  Werden  scene  is  obviously  to  be  connected  with  the  tvpe 

worn  the  original  does  not  give,  as  a photograph  does,  the  impression  that  the  Magus 
wears  a beard.  Because  the  three  Magi  in  the  scene  of  the  Appearance  of  the  Star  on 
the  same  panel  are  beardless  and  because  the  peculiar  length  of  chin  of  all  the  faces 
on  the  casket  gives  the  impression  of  beards,  I believe  that  what  looks  to  he  a heard  in 
the  photograph  is  no  more  than  a few  irregularities  caused  by  wear. 
la  See  p.  38.  See  p.  22.  17  See  Fig.  14. 

See  Baptism,  p.  76,  and  Milan  Book  Covers,  p.  214 


228  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


on  the  other  ivories  of  the  group,  it  has  two  added  features  in  its  composi- 
tion which  must  be  explained.  The  cruciform  nimbus  on  the  head 


Fig.  159.  S.  Kensington  : Victoria  and  Albert  Museum, 
ivory  casket  from  Werden.  Side. 


of  Christ  must  have  been  inscribed  on  the  ivory  at  a later  date,  for  it 
is  not  given  to  Christ  in  this  scene  on  the  Western  monuments  before 
the  eighth  century  and  does  not  appear  in  Oriental  Baptisms  until  after 
the  sixth  century.19  The  other  odd  feature  is  the  personification  of  the 
Jordan,  a jovial  reminiscence  of  a pagan  deity  who  sits  upon  a mass  of 
rocks  with  his  arms  full  of  water  plants  and  has  at  his  feet  an  over- 
turned urn  from  which  the  waters  of  the  river  flow  down  the  side  of  the 
hill.  The  use  of  the  personification  of  the  river  in  this  scene  was,  in  all 
probability,  an  original  characteristic  of  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  representa- 
tions,20 although  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  the  Jordan  was  personified 
in  both  the  mosaics  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  and  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin  at 
at  Ravenna.21  The  custom  of  personifying  rivers  and  mountains  was 
in  itself  a tradition  introduced  from  the  Hellenistic  centres  of  the 
Orient  into  the  West  at  an  early  date.  While  its  use  in  the  Christian 
scenes  of  the  West  was  rare,  there  occurs  on  a sarcophagus  of  Syracuse, 
in  the  scene  of  Moses  Striking  Water  from  the  Rock,  a personification  of 
the  mountain.22  As  a Hellenistic  feature  of  uncertain  origin  its  appear- 
ance in  Provence  is  no  more  surprising  than  its  use  in  any  other  art  centre. 
From  Gallo-Roman  times  Provence  was  in  intimate  relationship  with  Alex- 
andria and  the  other  Hellenistic  cities  of  the  East  and  the  Provenqal  fea- 
ture in  the  scene  of  the  Baptism,  of  representing  the  waters  of  the  Jordan 
piled  back  upon  their  source  until  they  appear  like  a cataract,  was  derived 
from  an  Eastern  account  of  the  Baptism.23 

So  far  a review  of  the  iconography  on  the  Werden  casket  has  not 

19  See  Table  IV.  20  See  p.  79.  21  See  p.  82. 

' 22  See  p.  12,  note  7.  23  See  p.  81. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


229 


revealed  any  new  links  which  attach  the  ivory  or  the  group  of  ivories  to 
Provence.  Nevertheless,  the  comparison  of  such  scenes  as  the  Virgin  in 
the  Temple,  the  Annunciation,  the  Appearance  of  the  Star,  the  Adoration 
of  the  Animals,  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  and  the  Baptism,  with  the 
same  scenes  on  the  Milan  covers  has  shown  beyond  question  that  the  origin 
of  the  Werden  casket  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Milan  book  covers.  While 
all  the  authorities  agree  as  to  the  close  relationship  between  the  two  ivories 
and  Westwood24  and  Strzygowski25  see  in  the  casket  the  work  of  the  same 
hand  that  carved  the  Milan  covers,  Schmid26  and  Stuhlfauth27  notice  cer- 
tain variations  in  the  execution  which  make  it  necessary  to  suppose  that 
a second  artist  did  the  casket.  They  assume,  however,  that  both  artists 
either  worked  from  the  same  model  or  that  the  Werden  casket  was  a 
weaker  copy  of  the  covers.  Therefore,  if  the  attribution  of  the  Milan 
covers  to  Provence  has  been  sustained  in  the  previous  chapter,  the  same 
origin  must  be  ascribed  to  the  Werden  casket.  None  of  the  new  scenes 
occurring  on  the  casket  and  not  on  the  covers  has  offered  any  iconography 
inconsistent  with  the  traditions  of  Provence  or  incompatible  with  the 
eclectic  art  of  that  country.  Moreover,  the  scene  of  Joseph’s  Dream  finds 
its  closest  parallel  on  a sarcophagus  of  Le  Puy  and  gives  some  evidence, 
at  least,  of  the  Gallic  origin  of  the  casket. 

A small  but  important  detail  on  the  ivory  is  the  structure  with  a 
facade  flanked  by  two  round  towers  in  the  scene  of  the  Visitation  (Fig. 
157.  Strzygowski,  in  discussing  the  origin  of  Romanesque  art  in  the 
West,  ascribes  the  Werden  casket  to  Milan  and  claims  the  two-towered 
fa9ade  as  an  Oriental  characteristic.28  In  evidence  of  this  he  cites  the 
prevalence  of  this  architectural  form  in  the  churches  of  Syria,  its  use  on  the 
Brescia  casket  which  he  ascribes  to  Anatolia,  and  its  occurrence  on  the  doors 
of  Santa  Sabina  which  were  also  of  Eastern  fabrication.  At  once  we  may 
ask.  on  the  same  grounds,  why  this  feature  could  not  have  been  introduced 
into  Marseilles  by  Cassianus  or  one  of  his  Eastern  monks?  Marseilles,  as 
well  as  the  church  and  monastery  of  St.  Victor,  was  as  closely  connected 
with  the  Orient  and  with  Syria  as  was  Milan  and  any  of  its  churches. 

24  Westwood,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

2o  Strzygowski,  Iconographie  der  Taufe  Christi,  p.  13. 

24  Schmid,  Die  Darstellung  der  Geburt  Christi,  p.  109. 

27  Stuhlfauth,  op.  cit.,  p.  73. 

25  Strzygowski,  Kleiitasien,  pp.  214-215. 


23o  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 

The  question  answers  itself ; for  the  use  of  the  two-towered  facade 
to  represent  a city  was  known  and  used  in  Gaul.  On  a Merovingian  gem 
(Fig.  160)  is  represented  a facade  flanked  by  two  towers  not  unlike  those 
on  the  ivory.29  On  either  side  of  the  building  stand  the  martyrs  Gervasius 
(GERBA)  and  Protasius  (PROTA),  as  the  inscription  tells  us,  and  be- 
low is  the  inscription  CAENOM(ANI),  the  tribe  whose  capital  became 
the  city  of  Le  Mans.  Thus  the  building  on  the  gem  does  not  neces- 


Fig.  160.  Engraved  gem  : Sts.  Gervasius 
and  Protasius  before  the  city  of  Le  Mans. 

sarily  represent  a church,  as  one  might  imagine,  but  symbolizes  the  city  of 
Le  Mans  where  the  remains  of  Gervasius  and  Protasius  were  preserved. 
This  same  use  of  a towered  facade  to  symbolize  a city  occurs  on  the  cover 
of  the  Lorsch  Gospels,  of  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  in  the  Vatican;  Herod 
is  represented  seated  before  a facade  with  flanking  round  towers  as  he  re- 
ceives the  three  Wise  Men  who  are  on  their  way  in  search  of  the  new  born 
Babe.30  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  towers  on  all  these  Western  monuments 
are  round,  while  the  towers  on  the  Syrian  churches  are  usually  square,  as 
also  on  the  Brescia  casket  and  the  doors  of  Santa  Sabina.  It  has  been 
pointed  out  by  Enlart  that  the  circular  tower  was  commonly  used  in  Caro- 
lingian  times  in  preference  to  the  square  tower  and  that  it  seems  to  have 
been  more  ancient  in  Gaul  than  the  square  form.31  Since  the  facade  on 
the  Werden  casket  must  be  interpreted  to  represent  the  city  of  Juda  where 
Elizabeth  lived,  there  is  more  reason  for  associating  the  circular  towers 
with  Gaul  than  with  either  Milan  or  the  East. 

While  the  relation  of  the  Werden  casket  to  the  Milan  covers  is  obvious, 
not  only  in  iconography  but  also  in  the  ornament  and  costumes  of  the  fig- 

20  Garr.,  VI,  pi.  478/40. 

30  Garr.,  VI,  pi.  457/2. 

31  Enlart,  Manuel  d’archeologie  frangaise,  I,  pp.  124-125. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


231 

ures,  I would  say  neither  that  they  were  by  the  same  hand  nor  that  the 
Werden  casket  was  a weaker  copy.  It  is  true  that  there  do  appear  certain 
differences  in  the  actual  carving  of  the  two  ivories;  the  figures  on  the 
Milan  covers  are  far  more  fiat  and  sketchy  in  their  rendering  and  they 
entirely  lack  the  snap  and  form  of  those  figures  on  the  casket  where  there 
seems  to  have  been  an  effort  to  obtain  plastic  effect  and  action.  Nor  do  I 
feel  that  the  casket  can  be  called  a “weaker  copy.”  While  a less  pretentious 
work  than  the  covers,  it  seems  to  me  to  be  more  virile  and  to  show  in  in- 
cipient form  those  characteristics  of  style,  such  as  the  exaggerated  anima- 
tion and  movement,  which  were  later  apparent  in  Carolingian  art. 

Without  doubt  the  casket  was  executed  at  a date  posterior  to  the  carving 
of  the  covers.  The  diminished  Hellenism  of  the  style  would  show  it,  as 
also  would  the  fact  that  on  the  casket  the  story  of  the  Virgin  is  more 
fully  developed  than  on  the  Milan  ivories.  Although  somewhat  later,  the 
casket,  nevertheless,  could  not  have  been  done  much  after  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century.  The  style  is  not  Carolingian  ,and  it  is  impossible  to 
ascribe  a work  of  this  character  to  the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  There- 
fore, accepting  the  date  of  the  execution  of  the  Milan  book  covers  as  about 
the  year  500,  I consider  the  Werden  casket  to  have  been  carved  at  a time 
well  within  the  first  half  of  the  sixth  century.32 


V 


DIPTYCH  IN  THE  LIBRARY  OF  ROUEN 

Diptych.  Rouen 

Date,  c.  475  A.  D.  Library. 

1 he  diptych  of  Rouen,1  which  is  today  in  the  town  library,  has  been  in 
the  cathedral  of  that  city  at  least  since  the  twelfth  century  when  it  was 
used  to  adorn  the  binding  of  a manuscript  containing  a miscellany  of  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  episcopal  see  of  Rouen.2  Each  leaf  (Fig.  161)  is  or- 
namented with  a pediment  sustained  by  channelled  pilasters  with  Corinthian 
capitals:  in  each  tympanum  is  figured  a shell  and  on  the  raking  cornices 

”2  This  date  is  the  same  as  that  given  by  Stuhlfauth,  Schmid,  and  De  Rossi. 

1 C.  de  Linas,  Gazette  archcologigite,  1886,  pi.  IV;  Laurent,  Lcs  ii'oires  prcgotliiqucs, 
figs-  7,  8. 

2 De  Linas,  op.  cit.,  p.  25. 


232 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Fig.  161.  Rouen:  Public  Library,  ivory  diptych.  Saints  Peter  and  Paul. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE  233 


stands  a bird.  Within  the  niches  are  two  apostles : St.  Peter,  who  is  nimbed 
and  holds  in  his  hand  a key,  stands  in  a three-quarters  position;  St. 
Paul,  who  is  also  nimbed  and  advances  toward  the  right  holding  in  his 
left  hand  a roll,  while  with  his  right  hand  he  makes  a gesture  of  either 
speech  or  blessing,  is  designated  in  the  customary  fashion  by  his  bald  head 
and  long  beard. 

The  striking  similarity,  which  has  been  frequently  remarked  by  art 
critics,  of  the  two  apostles  on  the  ivories  to  the  rendering  of  the  same 
Saints  on  a sarcophagus  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles  (Fig.  162)  together 
with  the  resemblance  of  the  figure  of  Paul  to  the  same  figure  on  another 
sarcophagus  from  St.  Victor,3  indicate  that  the  Rouen  diptych  must  have 
been  executed  in  Saint  Cassianus’  monastery  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles. 
The  connection  with  Marseilles  is  sustained  by  the  style  and  architectural 
details  of  the  ivories  which  are  similar  to  the  pseudo-Eastern  sarcophagus 
type  of  Provence.  The  face  of  the  first  named  sarcophagus  from  Mar- 
seilles is  broken  into  seven  rectangular  panels,  of  which  the  last  at  the  left 
is  now  gone.  The  central  panel  is  framed  by  Corinthian  capped  pilasters. 
The  figures  represent  Christ  and  six  of  His  apostles  arranged  in  groups 
of  three  on  either  side.  In  the  space  to  the  left  of  the  Saviour  is  the  figure 
of  St.  Paul  executed  in  a manner  almost  identical  with  the  same  personage 
on  the  diptych,  and  in  the  panel  to  the  right  is  St.  Peter. 

That  some  relation  must  have  existed  between  the  sarcophagus  and  the 
diptych  has  already  been  recognized  by  Molinier,4  Laurent,5  and  Dalton.6 
Molinier,  who  praises  highly  the  fine  workmanship  of  the  ivories  which 
shows  that  the  artist  had  under  his  eye  a good  model,  suggests  that  who- 
ever, at  the  end  of  the  Roman  period,  executed  the  ivories  was  inspired 
by  the  same  model  as  the  artists  who  carved  the  sarcophagus.  Instead  of 
agreeing  with  De  Linas,  who  first  published  the  ivories  and  held  them  to 
be  the  work  of  Greek  image  makers,  he  prefers  to  consider  them  the 
product  of  Occidental  artists,  either  Italian  or  Gallo-Roman.  Stuhlfauth,7 
on  the  other  hand,  who  ignores  the  parallel  with  the  sarcophagi,  claims, 
on  the  basis  of  the  architectural  niche  and  a vague  resemblance  of  the 

3 Le  Blant,  Les  sarcophages  chretiens  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  XVI/i. 

4 Molinier,  Hist.  gen.  des  arts  appliques,  I,  Ivoires,  p.  53. 

5 Laurent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  23-25. 

6 Dalton,  Byzantine  Art  and  Archaeology,  p.  194. 


234 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


ivories  to  the  Archangel  panel7 8  in  the  British  Museum,  that  the  diptych  was 
a product  of  Byzantine  art  and  done  by  a Greek  artist. 

While  accepting  a direct  relation  between  the  figures  of  the  sarcophagus 
and  the  ivories,  Laurent  says  that  the  type  of  the  figures  is  not  at  all  the 
same  as  the  ordinary  type  of  the  Western  sarcophagi  and  that  both  monu- 
ments show  the  influence  of  Oriental  art  upon  the  West.  In  explaining 
the  Eastern  type  of  figures,  as  he  calls  them,  on  the  sarcophagus,  he  pro- 
pounds three  theories.  First,  the  sarcophagus  may  have  been  done  in  the 
East.  Then,  on  the  contrary,  it  may  have  been  executed  in  Gaul,  the 
sculptor  copying  the  ivories.  Or  better,  as  Molinier  thinks,  both  the  sar- 
cophagus and  the  ivories  were  inspired  by  the  same  model. 


Fig.  162.  Marseilles  : Museum,  sarcophagus.  Christ  and  Apostles. 

This  last  conclusion  of  Molinier's  seems  to  me  to  be  correct,  save  that 
he  has  not  sufficiently  emphasized  the  connection  of  both  ivories  and  sar- 
cophagi with  Marseilles.  In  the  first  place,  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Victor, 
on  which  Peter  and  Paul  are  represented,  is  not  in  the  least  similar,  as 
Laurent  notes,  either  to  the  characteristic  Roman  sarcophagi  or  to  those  of 
the  atelier  of  Arles  which  followed  Roman  models.  There  was,  however,  a 
second  school  of  sarcophagus  carvers  in  southern  Gaul  which  did  not  par- 
ticipate in  the  styles  of  Arles  and  Rome,  but  attached  itself,  by  contact  more 
or  less  direct,  to  the  Christian  art  of  the  Orient.  This  Eastern  art  stream, 
coming  largely  from  Syria  and  transmitting  to  the  Provencal  sarcophagus 
carvers  many  Syrian  motives,  spread  into  Gaul  from  Marseilles.9  While 
the  vine  motive  and  the  conch  shell  borne  by  pilasters  are  not  features 

7 Stuhlfauth,  Elfenbcinplastik,  p.  176. 

8 Garr.,  op.  cif.,  VI,  pi.  457/1. 

9 See  Orientalizing  of  Gaul. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


235 

found  upon  Roman  sarcophagi,  they  are  characteristic  of  the  sarcophagi 
of  southern  Gaul.10  The  setting  of  the  figures  in  panels  or  shallow  niches 
and  the  general  low  relief  of  the  carving  on  the  St.  Victor  sarcophagus 
are  again  features  peculiar  to  this  Provencal  type.11 

Accepting,  then,  a relationship  between  the  sarcophagus  and  the  dip- 
tych, it  is  impossible,  when  we  consider  the  similarity  of  the  architectural 
details  as  well  as  of  the  figures,  to  suppose  that  the  Rouen  diptych  was 
carved  by  an  Italian  artist.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  unlikely  that 
the  diptych  was  executed  in  the  East,  or  was  even  copied,  at  least  directly, 
from  an  Oriental  model.  It  is  true  that  niches  with  birds  on  the  pediment, 
as  they  occur  on  the  ivories,  are  Eastern  features,  but  they  were  also  com- 
mon in  Provence.  Furthermore,  the  niche  on  the  diptych  with  only  a small 
shell  ornamenting  the  centre  of  the  tympanum  is  quite  different  from  the 
customary  Eastern  niche  wherein  a large  conch  shell,  supported  by  columns 
with  spiral  channellings,  takes  the  place  of  a pediment.  The  types  of  the 
two  apostles,  Laurent  and  Stuhlfauth  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  are 
not  primarily  Eastern.  Comparing  the  two  Saints  with  the  same  per- 
sonages on  the  Maximianus  chair,12  and  the  Tongres-Brussels  diptych,13 
there  appear  certain  marked  differences.  On  the  Eastern  ivories 
St.  Paul  wears  a pointed  instead  of  a round  beard  and  his  head  is  not 
so  bald  as  it  is  on  the  Rouen  diptych.  The  apostles  on  all  the  Oriental 
ivories  are  figured  in  a rather  rigid  frontality  while  the  profile  and 
three-quarters  pose  of  the  two  Saints  on  our  diptych  recall  a much 
finer  Hellenistic  tradition.  The  costume,  also,  of  these  apostles  does  not 
agree  in  the  least  with  that  of  the  figures  on  the  Eastern  ivory  carvings. 
Thus,  although  there  are  certain  Eastern  reminiscences  on  the  Rouen 
diptych,  there  is  nothing,  to  my  mind,  which  justifies  either  attributing  it 
to  the  East  or  assuming  that  it  was  copied  from  an  Eastern  model.  More- 
over. if  the  figure  of  Paul  on  the  diptych  be  compared  with  the  same  per- 
sonage on  a sarcophagus  of  St.  Victor14  and  a sarcophagus  of  Aix15 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  heads,  postures,  and  costumes  are  practically  iden- 

10  See  pp.  198-199. 

11  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  Marseilles  (XII/4,  XYI/2),  Rodez  (XXII/i),  Toulouse  (XXXVII, 
XXXIX.  XL,  XLI,  XLII),  Le  Mas-Saint-Antonin  (XLVTII/i),  and  Apt  (XLIX). 

12Garr.,  op.  cit.,  VI,  pi.  416. 

13  One  leaf  is  in  the  Treasury  ot  Xotre-Dame  de  Tongres,  the  other  in  the  Musee  du 
Cinquantenaire  at  Brussels;  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  54,  55;  Laurent,  op.  cit.,  figs.  1,  2. 

14  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XVI/i.  13  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  LI/2. 


236  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


tical  on  all  three  examples.  The  analogies,  then,  are  all  with  Provence 
and,  what  is  more,  with  monuments  which  are  to  be  connected  with  the 
church  and  monastery  of  St.  Victor  at  Marseilles. 

By  thus  attributing  the  Rouen  diptych  to  Marseilles  the  objections  to 
its  Provencal  origin  are  to  a large  extent  removed.  Provence,  we  have 
seen,  was  overrun  with  Greeks  and  Syrians,  and  the  church  of  St.  Victor, 
which  Cassianus,  after  prolonged  sojourn  in  the  East,  founded  about  414, 
was  more  intimately  connected  with  the  Orient  than  with  the  West.10 
Therefore  the  conviction  of  De  Linas  and  Stuhlfauth  that  the  diptych 
came  from  the  hands  of  a Greek  artist  and  the  contention  of  Laurent  that 
it  was  copied  from  an  Eastern  model,  may  be  all  admitted  without  weaken- 
ing the  attribution  to  Marseilles  or  discarding  Molinier’s  opinion  that  it 
was  carved  by  a Gallo-Roman. 

The  date  of  the  Rouen  diptych  should  be  somewhere  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifth  century.  As  compared  with  the  Milan 
book  covers,  the  Rouen  diptych  presents  a style  quite  similar  in  general 
lowness  of  relief,  in  the  channelled  pilasters  with  Corinthian  capitals,  and 
in  the  egg  and  dart  mouldings,  though  it  seems  superior  in  design  and 
workmanship.  The  freedom  of  draperies,  the  careful  modelling,  the  de- 
tails of  the  costumes  such  as  the  tassels  which  ornament  the  angles 
of  the  pallium,  and  the  exactitude  of  the  movements,  point  to  a 
date  earlier  than  the  Milan  covers  before  art  had  begun  to  abandon  the 
finer  technique  and  classical  freedom  of  the  Hellenistic  examples 
for  the  rather  slack  sketchiness  of  the  Oriental  style.  Besides  the  style 
we  have  the  approximate  date  of  the  sarcophagus  in  St.  Victor  for  pur- 
poses of  comparison.  Le  Blant  in  publishing  the  sarcophagus  intimates  that 
it  could  not  have  been  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  fourth  century17  and 
De  Rossi  states  that  the  particular  form  of  the  cruciform  monogram  carved 
on  it  originated  in  Gaul  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century,  or  at 
the  earliest  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.18  Therefore  since  the 
sarcophagus  was  found  in  the  crypt  of  St.  Victor  and  as  there  is 
every  reason  to  suppose  that  it  had  been  executed  in  Marseilles  for  that 
church,  it  would  be  quite  consistent  to  place  its  execution  after 
414,  when  the  church  and  monastery  were  founded  by  Cassianus.  Inas- 

10  See  p.  196. 

17  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  p.  47. 

18  De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  arch,  christ.,  1880,  p.  155. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


237 


much  as  it  is  not  likely  that  a school  of  art  would  have  grown  up 
around  a new  order  until  some  time  after  it  had  been  thoroughly  estab- 
lished, and  as  the  style  of  the  monogram  was  more  common  at  the  end 
of  the  fifth  century  than  at  its  beginning,  I am  inclined  to  believe  that  the 
sarcophagus  was  carved  between  450  and  475  A.  D.  and  that  the  Rouen 
diptych  could  not  have  been  done  much  later.  Moreover,  the  style  and 
execution  of  the  diptych,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Milan  diptych,  are  less 
plastic,  bold,  and  hence  less  Hellenistic  than  the  work  on  the  Berlin  and 
Nevers  fragments,  which  in  the  next  chapter  I shall  show  to  have  been 
executed  about  the  second  quarter  of  the  fifth  century. 


TWO  IVORY  FRAGMENTS  IN  THE  BERLIN  AND  NEVERS 


Among  the  ivories  to  be  considered  in  the  Provencal  group  are  two 
fragments,  of  which  one1  is  the  side  panel  of  a five  part  diptych  (Fig.  163) 
and  is  preserved  in  the  Berlin  Museum ; the  other,  possibly  belonging  to 
the  same  diptych,  is  in  the  Museum  of  Nevers  (Fig.  164).  The  ivory 
fragment  which  is  now  in  the  Berlin  Museum  was  previously  in  the  pos- 
session of  M.  Mallet  at  Amiens.  The  three  scenes  on  this  panel  are  sep- 
aratelv  framed  by  an  egg  and  dart  moulding,  and  on  the  right  hand  edge 
of  the  ivory  is  a narrow  bead  and  reel  moulding  which  originally  sur- 
rounded the  whole  diptych.  Reading  down,  the  scenes  are  the  smashing 
type  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  the  Baptism,  and  the  Miracle  of 
Cana.  That  the  Nevers  fragment2  was  possibly  part  of  the  same  diptych 
as  the  Berlin  panel  is  suggested  not  only  by  their  similarity  in  style  and  in 

1 Haseloff,  Jb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXIV,  1903,  p.  47  sq;  Abbe  Drival,  Revue  de  I’art 
chretien  2e  Serie  (1875),  pi.  XIX;  Stuhlfauth,  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  75,  pi.  IV/i  ; Strzy- 
gowski,  Kleinasien,  p.  199;  Fleury,  La  Messe,  VI,  p.  1 19 ; Dalton,  Byz.  Art  and  Arch., 
p.  203. 

2 Barbier  de  Montault,  “L’ivoire  latin  du  musee  de  Nevers,”  Bulletin  Monumental, 
1885,  no.  8;  A.  Darcel,  Tresor  des  eglises  et  objets  d’art  franqais  appartenant  aux  viusees 
exposes  en  1889  au  palais  du  Trocadero,  vol.  I,  no.  14;  Haseloff,  op.  cit.,  p.  52,  gives 
the  dimensions  of  both  fragments  and  points  out  the  relation;  Molinier,  Ivoires,  p.  60, 
note  6;  Stuhlfauth,  op.  cit.,  p.  77,  wrongly  attributes  the  ivory  to  Toulouse;  Dalton, 
op.  cit.,  p.  203. 


VI 


MUSEUMS 


Two  Diptych  Fragments. 
Date,  c.  450  A.  D. 


Berlin  and  Nevers 
Museums. 


238  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


the  mouldings  which  the}'  both  employ,  but  also  by  the  measurements  of 
the  two  ivories.  The  dimensions  of  the  Nevers  fragment,  which  are  7.4 
by  12.9  cm.,  indicate  that  it  might  fit  on  to  the  top  of  the  Berlin  fragment, 
whose  dimensions  are  20  by  8.1  cm.  Thus  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  on 
the  Nevers  fragment  would  be  set  above  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents 
on  the  Berlin  panel,  while  the  Nativity,  with  the  missing  Joseph  and  Mary 
(p.  18),  and  a third  scene,  would  complete  the  crowning  frieze  of  one  leaf 
of  a five  part  diptych. 

The  intimate  relation  of  the  Nevers  and  Berlin  fragments  with  the 
Milan  book  covers  and  the  Werden  casket  in  the  South  Kensington 
Museum  has  been  readily  accepted  by  all  the  writers  on  these  ivories.3  In 
fact,  the  iconographical  connection  between  them  is  so  apparent  that  they 
have  all  been  considered  products  of  the  same  school.  While  attributing 
both  fragments  to  the  same  atelier  as  the  Milan  covers,  Stuhlfauth  failed 
to  recognize  the  relation  between  them  and  dated  the  Nevers  panel  as  the 
earliest  example  of  what  he  called  a Milan  school,  while  he  set  the  execu- 
tion of  the  Berlin  fragment  between  the  Milan  covers  and  the  Werden 
casket.4  His  principal  reason  for  dating  the  Berlin  ivory  after  the  Milan 
covers  and  before  the  Werden  casket  was  the  fact  that  the  Saviour  wears 
a plain  nimbus  on  the  Berlin  panel  and  a cruciform  nimbus  on  the  Werden 
casket.  I11  marked  contrast  with  Stuhlfauth's  views  is  the  theory  of 
Haseloff,  who  attributes  the  whole  group  of  ivories  to  Rome  and  dates 
the  fragments  in  the  closing  years  of  the  fourth  century.  Inasmuch  as 
a modification  of  Haseloff’s  theory  seems  to  me  to  be  the  truth,  I will 
first  give  his  reasons  for  placing  the  execution  of  the  Berlin  fragment  at 
Rome  and  for  dating  it  so  long  before  the  time  when  the  Milan  covers 
are  supposed  to  have  been  done. 

It  is  at  once  apparent,  when  compared  with  the  Milan  covers,  that  the 
Berlin  and  Nevers  ivories  are  superior  in  workmanship  and  must  have 
been  done  at  a time  when  better  traditions  still  existed  among  the  ivory 
craftsmen.  To  find  a working  basis  from  which  to  approach  the  date  and 
place  of  execution  of  the  Berlin  fragment,  Haseloff  traces  the  development 
of  ivory  carving  in  Rome.  Beginning  with  the  Symmachi  diptych  of  either 

3 See  especially  the  previous  references  to  Haseloff,  Stuhlfauth,  and  Strzygowski. 

4 Stuhlfauth,  op.  cit.,  pp.  76-8. 

5 Haseloff,  op.  cit.,  p.  55;  O.  Seeck,  De  Symmachi  vita.  Monumenta  Germaniae  Hist.: 
auctores  antiquissimi,  VI  (1883),  p.  lix;  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  p.  43,  no.  58. 


Fig.  163.  Berlin  Museum,  ivory.  Massacre  of  Innocents, 
Baptism,  Miracle  at  Cana. 


24 O A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


392-394  or  401, 5 he  follows  the  continuation  of  certain  ornamental  motifs 
and  points  of  style,  through  the  Probianus  diptych  of  the  latter  part  of 
the  fourth  or  the  very  first  of  the  fifth  century,6  the  “Lampadiorum” 
diptych  at  Brescia  of  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,7  to  the  Trivulzio  group 
which  according  to  him  consists  of  the  leaf  with  the  scene  of  the  Holy 
Women  at  the  Tomb,  in  the  collection  of  Prince  Trivulzio  at  Milan,8  the 
four  plaques,  with  scenes  of  the  Passion,  in  the  British  Museum,9  and  the 
three  panels,  with  scenes  from  the  lives  of  Moses,  Paul,  and  Peter,  in  the 
same  museum.10 

When  Haseloff  contrasts  the  two  fragments  with  the  Trivulzio  group, 
he  finds  that  they  are  cruder  and  smoother  in  execution  and  differ  in  the 
construction  of  the  figures  and  in  the  handling  of  the  draperies.  But 
when  the  same  fragments  are  compared  with  the  pagan  group  of  consular 
diptychs,  they  appear  to  be  remarkably  similar  to  the  Probianus  diptych. 
They  are  similar  to  this  diptych  in  the  broad,  flat  background  behind  the 
figures,  in  the  shape  of  the  heads,  and  in  the  treatment  of  the  hair,  hands 
and  costumes.  Therefore,  from  this  marked  likeness  to  the  Probianus 
diptych  and  from  the  fact  that  after  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century 
all  the  Roman  diptychs  become  very  crude,  flat,  and  inferior,11  he  attri- 
butes the  Berlin  and  Nevers  fragments  to  a period  in  Rome  just  before 
the  date  of  the  Probianus  diptych,  which  would  have  been  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century.  Thus,  according  to  his  theory,  these  ivories  were  the 
earliest  examples  of  a Roman  school  of  Christian  ivory  carvers  who  later 
produced  the  Milan  covers  and  the  Werden  casket.  This  connection  of 
the  group  with  Rome  would  be  further  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the  Milan 
covers  have  the  same  outer  moulding  of  palmette  ornament  which  occurs  on 
the  Symmachi  diptych,  the  Probianus  diptych,  and  the  Trivulzio  ivory. 

While  keeping  in  mind  the  analogies  which  Haseloff  has  shown  to 
exist  between  the  two  fragments  and  the  Roman  ivories  of  the  first  part 

6 Haseloff,  op.  cit.;  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  pi.  IV. 

7 Meyer,  Zwei  antike  Elfenbeintafeln  der  Koniglichen  Staatsbibliothek  in  Munchen. 
Abh.  d.  K.  Bayr.  Akad.  d.  IViss.,  I.  Kl.  xv.  Bd.  I Abt.  Munich,  1879,  Taf.  II ; Molinier, 
op.  cit.,  p.  32,  no.  33. 

8 Molinier,  op.  cit.,  pi.  VI. 

9 Dalton,  Catalogue  of  the  Early  Christian  Antiquities  in  the  British  Museum,  pi.  VI. 
See  p.  187,  note  1. 

10  Dalton,  op.  cit.,  pi.  VII,  no.  292. 

11  Haseloff,  op.  cit.,  pp.  59-60,  cites  as  examples  of  this  decline  in  Roman  ivory  carving 
the  Basilius  diptych  of  the  year  480,  the  diptych  of  Boethius  of  487,  and  the  Orestes 
diptych  of  513. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


241 

of  the  fifth  century,  I wish  to  consider  their  iconography  before  continuing 
the  discussion  of  style.  The  Adoration  of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  on  the 
Nevers  panel,12  of  which  only  half  the  scene  is  preserved,  is  the  same 
Provenqal  type,  following  the  account  in  Pseudo-Matthew,  which  occurs 
on  the  Milan  book  covers  and  the  Werden  casket.13  Even  in  the  half- 
scene there  are  figured  the  stable,  the  adoring  animals,  and  the  distinctive 
stone  crib  which  we  have  seen  were  peculiar  to  the  group.  The  Adoration 
of  the  Magi  on  the  same  panel  is  again  similar  in  iconography  to  the 
Adoration  on  the  Milan  covers.14  In  both  examples  the  Virgin  is  seated 
in  a high  backed,  round  headed  cathedra,  the  Magi  are  dressed  in  the  curious 
tri-notched  chiton  which  I have  shown  to  be  distinctive  of  the  monuments 
of  Provence,15  the  Magi  offer  practically  the  same  gifts  consisting  of  two 
platters  of  uncertain  objects  and  a cornucopia,  and  on  both  monuments 
the  scene  is  set  in  a house.16  Furthermore,  the  combination  of  the  Adora- 
tion of  the  Ox  and  the  Ass  with  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  I have  already 
pointed  out  as  peculiar  to  the  Provencal  monuments.17 

Turning  to  the  iconography  of  the  Berlin  fragment,  the  scene  of  the 
Massacre  of  the  Innocents  besides  presenting  the  best  proof  of  the  Pro- 
vengal  origin  of  the  ivory  also  offers  a terminus  post  quern  for  its  date 
of  execution.  The  “smashing'’  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  in  which  the 
soldiers  of  Herod  smash  the  children  to  the  ground  instead  of  cutting 
them  down  with  swords,  I have  already  shown  was  peculiar  to  Provence 
in  early  Christian  times  and  to  Gaul  during  the  Carolingian  period.18  Since 
the  remains  of  the  first  martyrs  were  brought  by  Cassianus  from  Palestine 
to  Provence  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century,  and  since  it  was 
not  until  after  the  installation  of  their  remains  in  Cassianus’  church  of 
St.  \ ictor  at  Marseilles  that  their  cult  became  established  in  the  region, 
it  is  unlikely  that  the  first  example  of  the  “smashing”  Massacre  on  a sar- 
cophagus cover  in  the  church  of  St.  Maximin,  which  was  a dependency  of 
St.  A ictor,  dates  before  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century.19 
At  Rome,  moreover,  no  special  recognition  was  made  of  the  Innocents  until 
the  sixth  century,  and  the  only  representation  there  of  the  Massacre,  on 
the  arch  mosaics  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  showed  a symbolic  rendering 
of  the  sword  type.  Therefore,  inasmuch  as  I have  elsewhere  pointed  out20 

12  See  The  A ativily,  p.  17.  13  See  The  Nativity,  p.  20. 

14  See  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  p.  44.  33  See  pp.  34,  43. 

14  See  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  p.  44.  17  See  p.  21. 

18  See  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  p.  65.  in  See  p.  65. 


20  See  p.  66. 


242 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


wherein  the  iconography  of  the  Massacre  on  the  sarcophagus  of  St.  Maxi- 
min  is  more  primitive  and  earlier  than  either  the  Berlin  or  Milan  scene,  we 
have  a terminus  post  quern  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century  for  the 
execution  of  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  fragments. 

The  Baptism  on  the  Berlin  panel,  although  it  offers  little  evidence  re- 
garding either  the  date  or  provenience  of  the  original  diptych,  indisputably 
connects  the  fragment  with  the  Milan  and  Werden  ivories.21  The  scene,  with 
the  exception  of  the  nimbus  on  the  head  of  Jesus,  is  practically  identical 
with  the  same  scene  on  the  Milan  covers.  The  presence  of  a nimbus  on 
the  head  of  Christ,  which  led  Stuhlfauth  to  date  the  ivory  after  the 
Milan  covers,  has  little  or  no  bearing  on  the  date,  for  it  seems  certain  to 
me  that  it  must  have  been  added  sometime  after  the  ivory  had  been  carved. 
In  confirmation  of  this  assumption  it  will  appear,  on  careful  observation, 
that  the  waves  of  the  Jordan  behind  Jesus  run  straight  across  the  nimbus, 
as  if  the  nimbus  were  a circle  inscribed  on  the  ivory  regardless  of  the 
background. 

The  Miracle  of  Cana  represents  the  transitional  or  Alexandrian-Coptic 
type  introduced  from  the  East  into  the  West  sometime  during  the  fifth 
century.22  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  when  Haseloff  supposes  the 
Berlin  ivory  to  have  been  carved,  the  Hellenistic  type,  wherein  Jesus 
touches  with  His  wand  the  jars  of  water  and  in  which  no  servant  is  in- 
cluded. was  faithfully  followed  on  the  sarcophagi  of  Rome.  Moreover, 
this  scene  on  the  Berlin  fragment,  while  of  the  same  type  as  the  scene  on 
the  Milan  covers,  depicts  an  earlier  and  simpler  rendering  of  it.23  Here 
again  the  nimbus  is  of  little  importance,  for  if  the  nimbus  in  the  Baptism 
was  added  later  it  is  presumable  that  this  one  on  the  head  of  Christ  was 
also  inscribed  at  a later  date. 

Viewed  as  a whole,  then,  the  iconography  shows  that  the  Berlin  and 
Nevers  fragments,  close  enough  in  style  to  be  parts  of  the  same  diptych,  are 
so  intimately  related  to  the  Milan  book  covers  that  they  must  have  been  exe- 
cuted in  the  same  art  centre,  if  not  in  the  same  atelier,  as  were  the  covers. 
Therefore,  if  the  connection  of  the  Milan  covers  with  Provence  has  been 
established,  the  Provencal  origin  of  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  panels  is  at  once 
proved.  Independently  of  this  relation  with  the  ivories  already  connected 


21  See  The  Baptism,  p.  76. 
23  See  p.  91. 


22  See  The  Miracle  of  Cana,  p.  90. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


243 

with  Provence,  the  combination  scene  of  the  two  Adorations  on  the  Nevers 
fragment  and  the  “smashing”  Massacre  on  the  Berlin  ivory  show  Pro- 
vencal types  which  themselves  fix  the  place  of  origin.  As  to  the  question 
of  date,  the  iconography  at  once  makes  it  clear  that  the  two  fragments 
are  earlier  than  the  Milan  covers  and  at  the  same  time  are  posterior  to 
the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century.  This  date  is  suggested  by 
the  improbability  that  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  would  have  been 
carved  on  an  ivory  of  Provence  before  the  cult  of  the  Innocents  was  intro- 


Fig.  164.  Nevers  : Museum,  ivory.  The  Nativity  and  Adoration  of  the  Magi. 

duced  into  the  country  during  the  first  part  of  the  fifth  century.24  Thus  the 
iconography  establishes  the  Provencal  origin  of  the  fragments  and  sets 
their  execution  somewhere  between  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century 
and  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  when  the  Milan  covers  were  prob- 
ably carved. 

While  it  seems  to  me  that  the  iconography  offers  the  most  conclusive 
evidence  as  to  the  date  and  provenience  of  the  ivories,  let  us  return  to 
Haseloff’s  stylistic  theory  as  to  the  fourth  century  date  of  the  Berlin  and 
Nevers  fragment.  It  has  already  been  admitted  that  an  obvious  gap  sep- 
arates the  style  of  the  two  fragments  from  the  style  of  the  Milan  covers. 
The  difference  is  manifest  in  the  more  sketchy  carving  on  the  Milan  covers, 
in  the  more  intense  and  angular  bodies  and  the  more  energetic  movement 
of  the  figures.  In  other  words,  the  work  on  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  frag- 


24  See  p.  67. 


2 44 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


ments  is  superior  to,  and  therefore  earlier  than,  the  work  on  the  book 
covers ; it  shows  a superior  execution,  greater  plastic  sense,  and  a more 
classic  handling  of  draperies.  While  earlier  than  the  Milan  covers,  is 
the  work  also  slightly  anterior  to  the  Probianus  diptych  (Fig.  165),  as 
Haseloff  asserts?  Waiving  the  evidence  as  to  date  adduced  above,  I would 
say,  “No.”  Although  a marked  likeness,  and  one  that  must  be  considered, 
exists  between  the  two  works  in  the  flat  backgrounds,  in  the  build  of  the 
figures,  in  the  shape  of  the  heads,  in  the  cut  of  the  hair,  and  in  the  cos- 
tumes, the  style  of  the  two  fragments  seems  inferior  to  that  of  the  Probi- 
anus diptych.  They  appear  to  represent  a direct,  though  later,  continuation 
or  reminiscence  of  the  better  style  that  occurs  on  the  Roman  diptych;  the 
figures  are  fatter,  more  stubby,  and  in  certain  cases  are  almost  repulsively 
bloated. 

Since  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  fragments  are  no  longer  to  be  considered 
as  Roman  works,  but  as  Provengal  ivories,  how  can  any  stylistic  similarity 
between  them  and  a Roman  diptych  bear  on  their  date?  It  is  here  that 
I feel  that  the  attribution  of  the  ivories  to  Provence  removes  the  weak 
point  in  Haseloff’s  theory.  His  principal  reason  for  setting  the  Berlin 
fragment  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  was  the  fact  that  after  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifth  century,  when  the  Probianus  diptych  was  carved,  the 
work  on  Roman  consular  diptychs  appears  to  have  ceased  and  that,  when 
they  commenced  to  be  carved  again,  their  execution  was  coarse,  crude, 
and  hasty.  It  is  this  sudden  cessation  of  Roman  ivory  carving  that  solves 
the  problem  and  bridges  the  gap  between  Provence  and  Rome.  For  about 
a generation  after  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  artistic  production 
stopped  at  Rome.  Even  before  Alaric  actually  entered  Rome  in  410,  fear 
drove  away  a large  part  of  the  population.  All  classes,  though  principally 
the  patricians  and  the  artisans,  fled  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire.  So 
complete  was  the  flight  of  craftsmen  and  so  slight  was  the  inducement  to 
return  to  Rome  after  the  state  had  been  freed  from  the  invaders,  that 
legislation  was  necessary  to  force  the  artists  to  return.25  At  this  time 
sarcophagus  carving  practically  stopped  at  Rome;  and  the  craftsmen  ap- 
pear to  have  emigrated  in  great  numbers  to  Provence,  for  about  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifth  century  there  sprang  up  a fully  developed  school  of 


25  Frothingham,  Monuments  of  Christian  Rome,  p.  52. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


245 


Fig.  165.  Berlin:  Museum,  diptych  of  Probianus. 


246  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


sarcophagus  carvers  at  Arles  who  carried  on  the  traditions  of  the  Roman 
school.26 

The  bearing  of  such  an  exodus  of  artists  from  Rome  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fifth  century  upon  the  Provencal  school  is  obvious.  While  the  Berlin 
and  Nevers  fragments  are  Provenqal  because  of  their  affinities  with  the 
Milan  and  Werden  ivories  from  that  region,  we  have  also  noted  that  these 
two  fragments  bear  a marked  similarity  to  early  Roman  ivory  carving 
such  as  appears  on  the  Probianus  diptych  of  c.  400.  Furthermore, 
the  rather  curious  palmette  ornament  on  the  Milan  covers  and  also  on  the 
Rouen  diptych  is  similar  to  the  moulding  on  the  Symmachi  and  Probianus 


Fig.  166.  Marseilles  : Museum,  sarcophagus. 


diptychs.  The  conclusion  to  be  deduced  seems  to  satisfy  all  these 
problems.  The  ivory  carvers  of  Rome,  like  the  sarcophagus  carvers, 
must  have  also  fled  to  Gaul  and  have  continued  in  that  region 
many  traditions  of  the  imperial  school.  If  the  monastery  of  St.  Victor, 
or  even  Marseilles,  is  accepted  as  the  probable  centre  of  this  ivory  school, 
it  seems  likely  that  the  monastery,  which  was  founded  shortly  after  414, 
or  certainly  the  city,  received  some  of  these  Roman  artisans,  who  founded 
a local  school.  Sometime  between  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth 
century  and  the  end  thereof,  as  the  iconography  would  prove,  these 
artists  or  their  native  pupils  carved  the  diptych,  or  diptychs,  of  which  there 
remain  only  the  Nevers  and  Berlin  fragments,  the  earliest  examples  of  the 
Provencal  group.  While  they  preserved,  instinctively,  in  this  diptych 
the  stylistic  tradition  of  the  Roman  school  before  the  year  410,  they,  at 
the  same  time,  had  to  adapt  themselves  to  the  semi-Oriental  taste  of  the 


26  See  The  Orientalizing  of  Gaul. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


247 


community.  Therefore,  in  certain  scenes  they  followed  the  newly  com- 
posed and  popular  Pseudo-Matthew,  executed  a particular  type  of  the 
Massacre  of  the  Innocents  created  after  their  relics  had  been  brought 
to  Provence  by  Cassianus,  and  combined  the  Eastern  iconography  they 
found  with  the  Hellenistic  forms  they  had  brought  with  them  from  Rome. 
Hence  the  confusing  eclectic  character  of  the  ivories. 

About  all  has  been  said  in  regard  to  the  date  of  the  Berlin  and  Nevers 
fragments  that  can  be  said;  being  earlier  than  the  Milan  covers  and 


Fig.  167.  St.  Maximix  : Sarcophagus. 


posterior  to  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  century,  they  would  date 
425-500.  Again,  the  style  of  the  two  fragments  appears  to  be  a little 
earlier  than  that  of  the  Rouen  diptych,  which  I dated  between  450  and 
475  A.  D.  The  style  on  the  Rouen  diptych,  while  superior  to  the  work 
on  the  Milan  covers,  seems  closer  to  the  more  nervous  work  on  the  covers 
than  to  the  heavy  and  stolid  style  of  the  Berlin  and  Nevers  fragments. 
I have  therefore  assigned  the  fragments  to  a date  c.  450;  the  bearing  of 
this  date  on  that  of  Pseudo-Matthew  has  already  been  pointed  out  (p.  191). 
The  thickset  character  of  the  work  on  the  fragments  recalls  in  many  ways 
a small  class  of  sarcophagi  in  Provence.  Certain  sarcophagi  from  Mar- 
seilles2' (Fig.  166),  St.  Maximin28  (Fig.  167),  Arles29  (Fig.  168),  and 
\ ienne30  show  figures  whose  large  hands,  bloated  dimensions,  features  and 
costumes  are  noticeably  similar  in  general  accent  to  the  work  on  the  Berlin 
and  Nevers  fragments.  In  the  original  diptychs  (or  diptych)  of  which 
these  fragments  were  parts  we  find  the  first  fruits  of  what  I have  called 

27  Le  Blant,  Lcs  sarcophagcs  chrctiens  de  la  Gaule,  pi.  XVI/2. 

2*  Le  Blant,  op.  cif.,  pi.  LIV/l. 

29  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  X/i.  30  Le  Blant,  op.  cit.,  pi.  V/4. 


248  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Fig.  168  Arles  : Sarcophagus  cover. 


the  Provencal  School  of  Ivory  Carvers,  and  it  is  on  the  assumption  that 
Roman  ivory  workers  came  to  Provence  that  we  may  best  explain  the 
curious  eclectic  character  of  the  work  on  the  group.31 


VII 

IVORY  BOOK  COVER  IN  THE  BODLEIAN  LIBRARY,  OXFORD 

Book  cover.  Oxford 

Date,  end  of  eighth  or  beginning  Bodleian  Library, 

of  ninth  century. 

In  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford  is  one  leaf  of  a small  diptych  (Fig. 
169)  which,  although  it  is  a Carolingian  work  of  the  eighth  or  ninth  cen- 
tury, is  related  to  the  Provengal  school  of  ivories  and  has  often  been  in- 
cluded in  the  group  under  discussion.  This  relation  consists  in  its  being 
a partial  copy  of  the  Provencal  diptych  of  which  the  Berlin  fragment  was 
a part.  A similar  relation  exists  between  the  fragment  of  a Carolingian 
plaque  at  Munich  and  the  Berlin  ivory  (see  p.  64,  note  15).  The  interest 
of  this  cover  increases  as  its  connection  with  Provence  and  its  use  of  cer- 
tain Alexandrian-Coptic  types  of  scenes  help  to  explain  in  what  manner 
Oriental  and  so-called  Syro-Egyptian  motifs  and  iconographical  types  en- 
tered Carolingian  and  Ottoman  art.1 

The  cover  is  divided  into  twelve  compartments,  three  on  each  side, 
which  form  a border  about  a large  rectangular  panel.  Within  this  central 
panel  the  Redeemer,  young  and  beardless,  is  depicted  trampling  under  foot 
the  lion  and  the  dragon,  the  asp  and  the  basilisk.  In  the  small  panels 
across  the  top  of  the  cover,  reading  from  left  to  right,  are  figured  the 
Prophet  Isaiah  standing  by  a tree  and  holding  a scroll  inscribed  with  the 

31  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Dalton,  Byz.  Art  and  Arch.,  p.  203,  remarks  that  the 
Berlin  and  Nevers  fragments  are  the  earliest  of  the  group. 

1 Sauerland  and  Haseloff,  Der  Psalter  Erzbisclwf  Egberts  von  Trier,  1901,  pp.  104,  136. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


249 


words  ECCE  VIRG(O)  CONCI(PIET),2  and  the  scenes  of  the  Annun- 
ciation and  the  Nativity.  Continuing  down  the  right  hand  side  of  the 
cover  are  carved  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents, 
and  the  Baptism.  Across  the  bottom,  from  right  to  left,  are  the  Miracle 
of  Cana,  Christ  Asleep  in  a Ship  with  Three  Apostles  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
and  the  Raising  of  Jairus’  Daughter.  Reading  up  the  left  side  of  the 
cover  are  Christ  Driving  the  Demons  into  the  Herd  of  Swine,  the  Para- 
lytic, and  the  Woman  with  an  Issue  of  Blood. 

It  is  curious  that  an  ivory  whose  iconography  so  clearly  establishes  its 
provenience  and  in  a general  way  its  date  should  have  been  so  poorly 
attributed  as  the  Bodleian  cover.  Many  writers  have  attributed  it  to  Italy : 
Westwood3  and  later  Masked4  have  called  it  an  Italian  work  of  the  ninth 
or  tenth  century;  Durand5  has  said  that  it  was  in  the  Roman  style  and 
could  not  be  dated  before  the  end  of  the  eighth  century;  and  Strzygowski6 
has  called  it  sixth  century  work  from  Ravenna.  Stuhlfauth,7  realizing 
that  there  was  something  odd  and  apparently  inexplicable  about  the  ivory, 
declared  that  it  was  an  “offenbare  moderne  Falschung.”  Although  he 
refrained  from  either  dating  or  attributing  the  cover,  Beissel8'  said  that  it 
was  a work  done  in  the  manner  of  the  five  part  diptychs  from  Syria  and 
Egypt,  but  was  copied  from  a Roman  or  Gallic  model  of  the  fifth  or  sixth 
century.  This  analysis  is  remarkably  near  the  truth,  as  is  ETaselofFs  as- 
sertion that  the  Bodleian  cover  is  a Carolingian  ivory,  to  be  connected 
with  certain  Carolingian  ivories  from  Metz,  and  was  copied  from  the 
“Roman”  diptych  of  which  the  Berlin  fragment  was  a part.9 

Inasmuch  as  the  Bodleian  cover  is  not  a member  of  the  Provence  group. 
I intend  only  to  point  out  its  connections  with  Provence  and  to  discuss 
those  scenes  which  prove  its  Carolingian  origin.  Much  of  the  iconography 
on  the  cover,  if  not  copied  directly  from  the  Provenqal  diptych,  of  which 
the  Berlin  fragment  was  a part,  was  derived  either  from  the  scenes  on  the 

2 Is.  vii,  14. 

3 Westwood,  Fictile  Ivories,  p.  55,  plate  VI. 

4 Masked,  Ivories,  1905,  p.  94. 

’ Durand,  Annales  archeologiques,  i860,  XX,  p.  122. 

c Strzygowski,  Byz.  Denk.,  I,  p.  46. 

7 Stuhlfauth,  Die  altchristliche  Elfenbeinplastik,  p.  191. 

8 Beissel,  Geschichte  der  Evangelienbiicher  in  der  ersten  Hdlfte  des  Mittelalters,  Frei- 
burg im  Breisgau,  1906,  p.  304. 

p Haseloff,  Jb.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  XXIV,  1903,  p.  60. 


250  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Fig.  169-  Oxford  : Bodleian  Library.  Ivory  book  cover. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


other  Provencal  ivories  or  from  the  scenes  on  the  early  Christian  sar- 
cophagi of  Gaul.  In  the  first  place  the  three  scenes  on  the  Berlin  fragment, 
the  smashing  type  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,10  the  Provenqal  type 
of  the  Baptism,11  and  the  Alexandrian-Coptic  type  of  the  Miracle  of 
Cana,12  occur  in  the  same  place  and  order  on  the  Bodleian  cover.  Aside 
from  a difference  in  style  the  Massacre  and  the  Baptism  on  the  two  ivories 
are  nearly  identical,  while  the  Miracle  of  Cana  on  the  Carolingian  ivory 
shows  the  jars  increased  from  four  to  six  after  the  customary  number  on 
Eastern  monuments  from  the  sixth  century  on.  Furthermore,  the  Nativ- 
ity13 and  the  Adoration14  on  the  cover  recall  by  their  rendering  the  same 
scenes  on  the  Milan  book  covers.  Other  scenes  on  the  ivory,  like  the 
Woman  with  an  Issue  of  Blood  and  the  Raising  of  Jairus'  Daughter, 
were  taken  from  the  types  on  the  sarcophagi  of  southern  Gaul.15  It  is 
not  impossible,  then,  so  far  as  the  iconography  of  these  scenes  leads  us,  to 
consider  the  Bodleian  book  cover  a Provenqal  ivory  of  the  fifth  century. 

Turning  to  the  distinctively  Carolingian  types  on  the  cover,  Christ 
Triumphant  over  the  Four  Beasts  is  the  most  valuable  scene  in  establishing 
the  date  and  origin  of  the  ivory,  and  for  this  reason  I have  treated  it 
separately.16  The  results  of  this  study  of  Christ  Triumphant  are  clear 
and  conclusive.  The  type  itself  originated  in  Alexandria  and  then,  like 
other  Alexandrian  types,  passed  into  Coptic  art.  Thence  it  must  have 
been  introduced  directly  into  Gaul  and  subsequently  transmitted  into  Caro- 
lingian art.  for  the  developed  type,  where  Christ  tramples  on  the  four 
beasts,  outside  the  early  Christian  monuments  of  Egypt  only  occurs  on 
the  Frankish  monuments  of  the  Carolingian  and  Ottoman  periods.  The 
scene  on  the  Bodleian  cover,  in  its  composition,  its  beardless  type  of  Christ, 
and  in  its  nervous  draperies,  finds  its  only  convincing  parallels  in  the  minia- 
tures of  the  Godescalc  school  and  two  Carolingian  ivory  book  covers  which, 
in  their  turn,  are  connected  with  this  same  Carolingian  school  of  miniature 
painting.  Therefore,  on  the  basis  of  this  scene  alone  the  Bodleian  cover 
appears  to  date  from  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  or  the  very  beginning 
of  the  ninth  and  to  have  come  from  that  centre  in  northern  France  where 
the  famous  Godescalc.  Ada,  and  Soissons  Gospels  were  executed.17 

10  See  p.  64.  11  See  p.  78.  12  See  p.  9 2. 

13  See  p.  18.  14  See  p.  44. 

1 ’ Le  Blant,  Lcs  sarcophages  chrctiens  dc  la  Gaule,  pi.  V/i. 

16  See  Christ  Triumphant,  p.  146.  . 17  See  p.  157. 


252  A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


Other  scenes  which  attest  the  Carol ingian  workmanship  are  the  An- 
nunciation and  the  scene  of  Christ  Asleep  with  Three  Apostles  on  the  Sea 
of  Galilee.  The  two  distinctive  features  in  the  scene  of  the  Annunciation, 
wherein  the  Virgin  is  seated  as  the  angel  accosts  her,  are  the  female  at- 
tendant who  stands  behind  the  Virgin,  and  the  curious  tower  which  rises 
at  the  right  of  the  composition.  While  the  Annunciation  was  frequently- 
represented  on  the  monuments  of  early  Christian  art,  the  attendant  in  the 
scene  does  not  occur  until  the  eighth  or  ninth  century  and  then  on  Caro- 
lingian  monuments.  A Carolingian  reliquary  of  the  eighth  century  in  the 
Sancta  Sanctorum18  and  another  ivory  of  the  tenth  century  in  the  Louvre19 
figure  an  attendant  behind  the  seated  Virgin.  Again  in  the  type  of  the 
Annunciation  with  the  standing  Virgin,  the  first  use  of  the  attendant  is 
on  a Carolingian  ivory  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris.20  A minia- 
ture of  the  Soissons  Gospels,21  a work  of  the  Godescalc  school,  represents 
an  Annunciation,  which,  with  the  one  exception  that  the  attendant  does 
not  appear  in  the  composition,  is  noticeably  close  in  other  respects  to  the 
scene  on  the  ivory;  the  pose  and  draperies  of  the  Virgin  and  the  form  of 
the  chair  in  which  she  is  seated  are  about  the  same  in  the  two  examples. 

While  no  examples  of  Christ  Asleep  in  a Ship  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
exist,  to  my  knowledge,  on  any  early  Christian  monuments,  the  scene  oc- 
curs frequently  in  the  manuscripts  of  the  Ottonian  period  in  northwestern 
Europe.  These  Ottonian  examples,  whose  iconography  was  naturally  de- 
rived in  large  measure  from  Carolingian  monuments,  are  very  similar  to 
the  rendering  of  the  scene  on  the  Bodleian  book  cover.22  While  the  scene 
seems  to  be  absent  from  early  Christian  monuments,  we  have  nevertheless 
the  testimony  of  Perpetuus  that  it  was  represented  in  the  fifth  century  on 
the  walls  of  the  church  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours.23 

A summary  of  the  iconographical  types  on  the  cover  supports  the  con- 
clusion indicated  above.  While  the  Carolingian  character  of  the  work  is 
evinced  by  the  scenes  of  Christ  Triumphant,  the  Annunciation,  and  Christ 

18  Lauer,  Monuments  Piot,  XV,  1903,  pi.  VII. 

19  Fleury,  La  Salute  Vierge,  I,  pi.  XIII. 

20  Labarte,  Histoire  des  arts  industriels,  Album  I,  pi.  V. 

21  Laurent,  Les  ivoires  pregothiques,  pi.  IV. 

22  Codex  Egberti  (Haseloff,  op.  cit.,  pi.  XXIV),  Pericopes  at  Munich  (Swarzenski, 
Regensburger  Buchmalerei,  pi.  XXVI),  Ms.  of  Emperor  Otto  at  Aachen  (Beissel,  Die 
Bilder  der  Handschrift  des  Kaisers  Otto  im  Munster  zu  Aachen,  1886,  pi.  VI). 

23  J.  von  Schlosser,  Quellenbuch  zur  Kunstgeschichte,  p.  32;  Kraus , Geschichte  der 
christlichen  Kunst,  I,  p.  602  sq. 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


253 


Asleep  in  a Ship,  its  connection  with  the  Provengal  ivories  appears  in  the 
Nativity,  the  Adoration,  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents,  the  Baptism,  and 
the  Miracle  of  Cana.  Further  connection  with  the  early  Christian  types 
of  Provence  lies  in  the  Raising  of  Jairus’  Daughter  and  in  the  scene  of 
the  Woman  with  an  Issue  of  Blood,  which  both  appear  on  Gallic  sar- 
cophagi. Besides  the  Carolingian  and  Provenqal  types,  the  cover  presents 
in  the  scenes  of  Christ  Triumphant,  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic,  and  the 
Miracle  of  Cana  certain  Alexandrian-Coptic  types.  These  Egyptian  types, 
arriving  by  the  trade  route  which  existed  between  Egypt  and  the  ports 
of  southern  Gaul,24  must  have  entered  Provence  through  Marseilles,  as 
Strzygowski  has  suggested  in  the  case  of  Egyptian  motifs  appearing  on 
the  ivory  pulpit  of  Aachen,25  and  were  then  transmitted  through  Mero- 
vingian times  to  Carolingian  art. 

It  is  interesting,  in  the  light  of  these  Egyptian  types  appearing  on  the 
ivories,  to  see  how  my  iconographical  deductions  were  already  grasped  in 
a general  way  by  Beissel.  While  Haseloff  claimed  that  the  Bodleian  cover 
was  a Carolingian  copy  of  a Roman  ivory,  Beissel  recognized  in  the  cover 
a Syro-Egyptian  manner,  but  said  that  it  had  been  copied  from  either  a 
Roman  or  Gallic  model  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  century.  In  discussing  the 
Berlin  fragment,  which  was  the  fifth  century  prototype  for  the  Bodleian 
cover,  I have  shown  how  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents  and  the  Baptism 
on  it  were  Provengal  types,  how  the  Miracle  of  Cana  was  an  Alexandrian- 
Coptic  type,  and  how  the  work  resembles  the  Roman  ivory  carving  of  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  The  explanation  of  this  curious  mixture 
of  Gallic  and  Egyptian  types  and  a Roman  style  may  well  lie  in  the  emi- 
gration of  Roman  ivory  carvers,  after  the  sack  of  Rome  in  410,  to  Pro- 
vence, where  they  commenced  to  work  for  a semi-Oriental  population 
and  consequently  had  to  adopt  many  Eastern  ideas  and  motifs.  Thus  my 
arguments  for  the  Provencal  origin  of  the  Berlin  fragment,  from  which 
the  Carolingian  ivory  was  partly  copied,  account  for  the  conflicting  and 

24  Besides  the  commercial  and  monastic  affinities  which  united  Marseilles  and  Egypt 
(see  Orientalizing  of  Gaul,  p.  195)  Egyptians  were  numerous  enough  at  Arles  to  have 
an  oratory  in  honor  of  St.  Menas  (De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  arch,  crist.,  1869,  p.  32)  and  in 
Marseilles  we  have  examples  of  the  name  Menas  (Le  Blant,  Inscript,  chret.  de  la  Gaule, 
1865,  II,  p.  309,  no.  55 la ; “Bonam  requiem  habeat  in  die  futuro  maritus  meus  Menas”)  ; 
Cabrol,  Dictionnaire,  etc.,  s.  v.  Ampoules,  col.  1 727. 

25  Strzygowski,  Hell,  und  Kopt.  Kunst.,  p.  69. 


254 


A SCHOOL  OF  IVORY  CARVERS  IN  PROVENCE 


apparently  inexplicable  elements  in  the  Bodleian  cover  which  Beissel  recog- 
nized and  which  probably  led  Stuhlfauth  to  call  the  work  a forgery. 

The  style  of  the  Bodleian  cover  confirms  its  attribution.  The 
mouldings  around  the  panels  are  conventionalized  and  crudely  exe- 
cuted copies  of  the  egg  and  dart  and  bead  and  reel  mouldings  on  the 
Berlin  fragment.  The  nervous  drapery  of  the  figures,  which  I have  dis- 
cussed more  fully  in  my  treatment  of  Christ  Triumphant,26  is  the  distinctly 
Carolingian  feature  of  the  style.  Inasmuch  as  it  is  not  as  animated  as 
the  drapery  of  the  Carolingian  work  of  the  later  ninth  and  the  tenth  cen- 
turies and  as  it  resembles  very  closely  the  form  of  drapery  in  the  miniatures 
of  the  Godescalc  school,  I would  date  the  work  at  the  end  of  the  eighth 
or  beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  This  date  is  sustained  by  a comparison 
of  the  Bodleian  cover  with  later  Carolingian  ivories.  Although  cer- 
tain points  of  iconography  associate  the  Bodleian  ivory  with  two  Caro- 
lingian book  covers  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,27  which  were 
probably  carved  at  Metz,28  the  styles  are  entirely  different.  The  two  Paris 
ivories,  which  are  very  accomplished  and  pretentions  pieces  of  ivory  carv- 
ing, can  not  be  much,  if  any,  earlier  than  the  tenth  century,  while  the  poor 
modelling,  the  lack  of  animation  in  the  figures,  the  comparatively  mild 
drapery,  and  the  rather  hesitating  execution  of  the  Bodleian  cover  date  it 
about  a century  earlier  than  the  Paris  examples.29  Therefore  the  Bodleian 
ivory  may  be  said  to  date  from  about  800  and  to  have  been  carved  in  that 
centre  of  northern  France  where  the  Godescalc  school  of  miniaturists 
flourished. 

26  See  Christ  Triumphant,  p.  158. 

27  Covers  of  Mss.  lat.  9393  and  9388. 

28  Haseloff,  op.  cit.,  p.  61. 

29  Another  ivory  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum  (Graeven,  no.  67)  is  to  be  classi- 
fied with  these  two  covers  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Monuments  are  printed  in  italics  and  listed  under  place,  which  is  printed  in  CAPITALS. 
Collections,  Churches,  Libraries,  Museums,  etc.,  are  printed  in  roman  small  capitals. 

Authorities  and  sources,  ancient  and  modern,  are  printed  in  CAPITALS. 

Iconography  is  indicated  by  printing  the  subjects  of  scenes  in  ITALIC  CAPITALS, 
but  details  of  iconography  are  printed  like  ordinary  topics  in  Roman  type. 

Full  face  Numerals  indicate  special  discussions  of  topics. 

AACHEN  ivory  reliefs,  147,  253 
Abbeville,  see  MIANNAY 
Abraham,  St.  196 
Ada  Gospels,  see  TRIER 

ADORATION  OF  MAGI,  see  MAGI;  Type  of  NATIVITY  13,  18,  22,  23,  161,  166; 

OF  OX  AND  ASS,  see  OX  AND  ASS;  OF  SHEPHERDS,  see  SHEPHERDS 
ADULTERESS,  see  WOMAN  TAKEN  IN  ADULTERY 
aedicula  100;  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108-m,  113,  119,  163,  167,  211 
AFRICA  lamps  from  151-153 
AINALOFF  4,  1 14,  167 
AIX  sarcophagus  235 

AKMlM  lamp  from  151 ; medallion  from  83,  166;  textile  from  152 
Alaric  244 

Alexandria  3,  4,  6,  24,  25,  28,  39,  40,  57,  81,  82,  88,  89,  104-106,  114,  126,  147,  160,  167, 
168,  169,  170,  174,  196,  197,  200,  202,  204  note,  228,  251 
ALEXANDRIA  catacomb  frescoes  6,  131-133,  148,  149,  151-154;  copper  cover  from  87; 
Hellenistic  portraits  48 

Alexandrian-Coptic  School  6,  159,  167,  186,  248 

Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  37,  47,  48,  175,  184 
of  ANNUNCIATION,  171,  175 
of  BAPTISM  72,  79,  82,  84,  176,  180,  228 
of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  122,  126,  177 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94,  98,  176 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  10 2,  105,  180,  253 
of  JOSEPH  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL  173 
of  JOURNEY  TO  BETHLEHEM  174 
of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  176 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85,  88,  90,  106,  166,  176,  242,  251 
of  NATIVITY  13,  17,  22,  23,  174 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108,  109,  117,  177,  181 
of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  and  note 
of  TESTING  OF  THE  VIRGIN  173 
ALGIERS  sarcophagus  86 

altar  in  COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  140;  in  NATIVITY  14,  162 
AMBROSE,  St.  20 

AMIENS  mallet  Collection  : ivory  fragment  237 
ampullae  178;  see  MONZA 

255 


256 


INDEX 


amulets,  see  ROME  Vatican 
ANANIAS  204 

ANASTASIS,  in  Martyrion  at  Jerusalem  178 
Anatolia  see  Asia  Minor 
anaxyrides,  see  Costume 
Andrew,  St.,  apostle  131 

angel,  in  ANNUNCIATION  n-13,  172,  173,  252;  in  BAPTISM  79-81,  83;  in  JOSEPH 
ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL  202,  22 5;  with  MAGI  34,  47-50,  52,  56,  57,  175,  180, 
184;  in  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  8,  9,  223;  bearded  83;  nimbed,  see  Nimbus 
angels,  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  37,  52,  53!  in  BAPTISM  72,  74/78-81,  83,  84. 
176;  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  148,  150,  151,  154,  157 ; in  COMMUNION  OF 
THE  APOSTLES  140;  in  NATIVITY  31,  32,  59,  184;  nimbed,  see  Nimbus 
Anglo-Saxon  Gospels  see  BRUSSELS 
Animal  Kingdom,  Adoration  of  13,  19 

ANNUNCIATION  171,  175,  249,  252;  AT  THE  SPRING  ix,  12  note,  208,  210,  211,  213, 
220,  222,  223;  TO  SHEPHERDS  32;  to  Zacharias  223 
ANTINOE  comb  from  118,  119;  frescoes  5,  62,  92,  171,  174,  176,  180,  202,  213,  225; 

textile  from  127 
Antioch  3.  4,  160,  197,  200 

APOCRYPHAL  GOSPELS  19,  22,  30,  175,  178,  189-191,  201-203,  206,  210,  211,  213;  see 
also  APOCRYPHUM,  HISTORY,  PROTEVANGELIUM,  PSEUDO-MAT- 
THEW, TWELVE  APOSTLES 
APOCRYPHUM  JOSEPHI  27 
APOCRYPHUM  ZACHARIAE  27 
Apollo,  Apa,  Monastery  of  27 

Apostles,  see  Andrew,  COMMUNION  OF  APOSTLES,  Disciples,  HOLY  APOSTLES, 
John,  Paul,  Peter,  TWELVE  APOSTLES 

APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR  33,  43,  57,  203,  208,  210,  21 1,  213,  215,  216,  221,  222, 
225,  226,  229 
apse  1 17,  185 
Aquitaine  194 
Arabs  168,  183 

arcade,  ornamental  motif  199 
arch  1 15,  1 16,  167 

Arenberg,  Gospels  of,  see  BRUSSELS 

Arianism  168 

Arles  193-195,  201,  218 

ARLES  sarcophagi  34,  66,  78,  86,  in,  113,  197,  203,  215,  216,  234,  247;  S.  TROPHIME: 
sarcophagus  21 
Armenia  217 

Armenian  Miniatures,  see  ETSCHMIADZIN 
ars  barbaricaria  200 

ASCENSION , in  church  at  Jerusalem  178 

Asia  Minor  1,  2,  5,  39,  99-101,  107,  109,  114-116,  120,  122,  128,  135,  140,  181-183,  188,  201, 
204,  217,  219,  229;  Type  of  Christ,  see  Christ 
asp,  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  146,  148,  156,  158,  248 

ass,  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  123,  126,  164,  177,  181 ; in  NATIVITY  23;  see  also 
OX  AND  ASS:  head  of,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  62 
Athele  194 

Athens  150;  see  also  DAPHNI 

ATHOS,  Mt.  manuscript  121 ; steatite  panel  121;  monasteries:  chilandari  140:  vato- 
pedi  140 

attendant,  see  Servant 
AUCH  sarcophagus  113 


Augustine,  St.  19 
AVIGNON  gold  work  218 
ax  22/ 


INDEX 


-57 


B 

BAGAI  lamp  from  151 
BAGAWAT  frescoes  6,  169 
BALAEUS  55,  58 
banquet,  see  Feast 
baptism  103,  163 

BAPTISM,  of  Christ  71,  162,  176,  180,  208,  21  x,  214,  215,  222,  227,  229,  237,  242,  249,  251 

Baptist,  see  John  the  Baptist 

Baptistery,  see  NAPLES,  RAVENNA 

barberini  Collection,  see  ROME 

Bartimeus  95,  96 

Basil  II,  Mniologium  of,  see  ROME:  Vatican 
basilewsky  Collection,  see  PETROGRAD 
basilisk,  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  146,  248 
BASILIUS,  bishop  of  Caesarea  34 
baskets,  see  Loaves 
Bawit  169 

BAWlT  frescoes  5,  25-27,  62,  79,  81,  170-172,  175,  176,  224 
BAYET  36 

beard,  see  Angel,  Christ,  MAGI,  Paul 

beasts,  Christ  trampling  upon,  see  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT 

bed,  in  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102-106,  163,  165,  185,  211 

BEISSEL  249,  253,  254 

BENEVENTO  cathedral:  bronze  doors  70,  94 

BERLIN  museum  : ivory  fragment  18,  62,  64,  67,  76,  77,  90-92,  187,  191,  203,  214,  237, 
249,  251,  254;  date  241-243,  247:  technique  238,  244,  247;  Alexandrian  pyxis  105,  198; 
ampulla  83  and  note;  bone  carving  105;  diptych  of  Probianus  240,  244,  246;  German 
ivories  28;  Lombard  relief  44;  Minden  pyxis  25,  174 
Gans  Collection  : medallion  89,  172,  176 
Bernward,  Gospels  of,  see  HILDESHEIM 
Berthramnus,  195 
Bes,  mask  of  148 
Bethesda,  Pool  of  102,  106 
Bethlehem  19,  22,  190 

BETHLEHEM,  JOURNEY  TO,  see  JOURNEY  TO  BETHLEHEM 
BETHLEHEM  church  of  the  nativity:  5,  178;  mosaic  29,  53,  55,  179,  180 
bianchixi  Collection,  see  ROME 
BI6NKOWSKI  38 

BLIND,  HEALING  OF  94,  163,  166,  176,  184,  208,  210,  212 
BLIND  AND  HALT,  HEALING  OF  98 

blind  man,  men,  in  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94-98,  100,  101,  163,  166,  184,  212;  eyes 
of,  touched  by  Christ,  see  Eyes ; head  of,  touched  by  Christ,  see  Head 
BOLOGNA  Coptic  ivory  25,  36,  114;  pyxis  97,  104,  118,  166,  167 
bolster  53,  138 
BONN  Coptic  pyxis  118 
book  152,  156,  157 

book  covers,  see  MANCHESTER,  MILAN,  OXFORD,  PARTS,  RAVENNA,  ROME, 
SOUTH  KENSINGTON 
Bordeaux  194 

borghese,  Villa,  see  ROME 


INDEX 


258 

BOTTARI,  sarcophagus  described  by  95 
braid,  ornamental  motif  198 

bread,  in  COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  140;  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  130,  134- 
136,  139,  212 

BRESCIA  ivory  casket  9 7,  114,  115,  166,  167,  204  and  note,  229,  230;  Lampadiorum 
diptych  240 

British  museum,  see  London 
Brittany  194 

BRIVIO,  casket  from,  see  PARIS 
bruls  Collection,  see  ROME 

BRUSSELS  Gospels  of  Arenberg  154;  diptych  of  Genoels-Elderen  156-158,  251;  musee 
du  cinquantenaire  : ivory  book  cover  154;  leaf  of  diptych  235 
BUGATI  220 
Bulgaria  116 

BUST  OF  KING,  THREE  HEBREWS  BEFORE  216 

Byzantine  art  1,  57,  140,  154,  155,  165,  181,  182,  185,  188,  234;  cloisonne  217;  costume, 
see  Costume;  ivories  93;  manuscripts  11 

Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI,  37,  47,  5L  58,  184 
of  BAPTISM  84 

of  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  68,  69 
of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  122,  124,  125,  127,  185 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  95,  100,  101,  184 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102,  106,  185 
of  LAST  SUPPER  135,  140,  185 
of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  62 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85,  88,  93,  184 
of  NATIVITY  13,  22,  26,  30,  184 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108,  109,  120,  185 
of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  and  note 
Byzantium,  see  Constantinople 

C 

Caenomani  230 
Cairo  126,  127,  1 71 , 177 

CAIRO  museum:  6,  170;  censer  62,  213:  cover  of  earthen  vessel  1 5 1 
CALENDAR  of  354,  42 
CALLIXTUS,  see  ROME  catacombs 
CAMBRIDGE  Gospels  124,  137 

CANA,  MIRACLE  OF  85,  105,  132,  133,  163,  166,  176,  180,  184,  208,  210,  212,  237, 
242,  249,  251,  253 
Canatha  (Kanawat)  194 
Capernaum  102,  106 

CAPPADOCIA  churches:  frescoes  140 

Carolingian  Art  28,  44,  67,  90,  92,  146,  1 53-155,  157,  192,  219,  230,  231,  241,  248,  251-254; 
ivories,  see  BRUSSELS,  METZ,  OXFORD,  PARIS  bibliotheque  nationale, 
ROME  VATICAN,  SOUTH  KENSINGTON 
carpet,  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  126,  177 
CARTHAGE  lamps  from  151,  152;  relief  from  48 

Cassianus,  abbot  of  S.  Victor,  Marseilles  67,  68,  196,  202,  203,  214,  233,  236,  241,  247; 
bishop  of  Autun  196 

catacombs,  see  ALEXANDRIA,  NAPLES,  ROME 

cathedra  (or  chair)  44,  49,  64,  70,  172,  173,  175,  226,  241 ; of  Maximianus,  see  RAVENNA 
cave,  NATIVITY  in  13,  19,  20,  22,  32,  45,  184,  190;  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  no, 
120,  185 


INDEX 


259 


censer,  see  CAIRO,  KERTCH,  LONDON,  ODESSA 
centurion,  in  CRUCIFIXION  188  note 
chair,  see  Cathedra 

chalice,  in  COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  139.  140 

CHAPEL  OF  JOHN  VII,  See  ROME  CHURCHES 
chilandri,  see  ATHOS 
Child,  Christ,  see  Christ 
Childeric,  tomb  of,  see  TOURNAY 

children,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  61-64,  66 
chlamys,  chlamydes,  see  Costume 
CHORIKIOS  141 
Chosroes  54 

Christ,  bearded  72,  78,  79,  83,  84,  176,  178,  180,  205;  beardless  73,  76,  77,  79,  81,  162,  176, 
248,  251 ; Child,  see  ADORATION  OF  OX  AND  ASS,  ADORATION  OF  SHEP- 
HERDS, CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS,  MAGI,  NATIVITY;  costume  of, 
see  Costume;  enthroned  70,  131,  154;  on  globe,  see  Globe;  nimbed,  see  Nimbus;  Asia 
Minor  type  of  205;  Palestinian  type  of  205;  in  BAPTISM  72-84,  162,  176,  180, 
214,  228,  242;  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  146,  148-158,  248,  251;  in  COM- 
MUNION OF  THE  APOSTLES  139,  140,  185;  in  CRUCIFIXION  187  note, 
205;  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  122,  123-128,  164,  177,  181,  185,  212; 
in  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94-98,  100,  101,  163,  166,  176,  184,  212;  in 
HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102-106,  163,  180,  21 1;  in  LAST  SUPPER 
129,  134-137,  185;  in  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85-87,  89-93,  132,  163,  176,  184,  212; 
in  MIRACLE  OF  LOAVES  AND  FISHES  130-133 ; in  PRESENTATION  OF 
THE  CROWNS  141-144;  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108-113,  117-120,  163,  177, 
181,  185,  211;  in  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  and  note;  in 
WIDOW'S  MITE  144-146. 

CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  68,  208,  211,  213;  DRIVING  DEMONS  INTO 
SWINE  249;  ENTERING  JERUSALEM,  see  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM; 
FEEDING  THE  MULTITUDE , see  LOAVES  AND  FISHES;  HEALING  THE 
BLIND,  see  BLIND;  HEALING  THE  PARALYTIC,  see  PARALYTIC;  RAIS- 
ING LAZARUS,  see  LAZARUS;  AND  SAMARITAN  WOMAN,  see  SAMARI- 
TAN WOMAN;  IN  SHIP  ON  SEA  OF  GALILEE  249,  252;  TRIUMPHANT 
106,  146,  187,  251-254 
CHRONICON  Paschale  81 
ciborium  140;  columns,  see  VENICE  s.  marco 
CINQUANTENAIRE,  MUSEE  DU,  See  BRUSSELS 

city,  representation  of  227,  230;  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  123,  124,  128,  164; 

in  VISITATION  224,  230 
CIVITA  CASTELLANA  sarcophagus  89 
Claudius  Julianus  193 
CLEMENT,  of  Alexandria  40,  168 
Clermont-Ferrand  194,  196 
CLERMONT-FERRAND  sarcophagus  1 1 3 
cloisonne,  see  Enamel 
cluny,  Musee  de,  see  PARIS 

Codex  Cambricensis,  see  CAMBRIDGE;  Egbert i,  see  TRIER;  Purpureus,  see  MUNICH; 

Rossanensis,  see  ROSSANO 
coenobium,  195 

coiffure,  Egyptian  153;  Gallo-Roman  219 
colobium,  worn  by  Christ  in  CRUCIFIXION , 205 
Cologne  194 
Columbanus,  St.  194 

column,  drum  of,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE  ottoman  museum 


26o 


INDEX 


COMING  OF  THE  ORIENT  TO  CHRIST  37 
COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  129,  139.  185 
conch  shell,  ornamental  motif,  199,  234 
Constantine,  Emperor,  182,  217;  of  Germanicia  200 
Constantinople  3,  4,  39,  59.  84,  88,  93,  124,  181-184,  188,  194,  196,  217,  218 
CONSTANTINOPLE  hagia  Sofia:  182,  204  note;  holy  apostles,  Church  of:  mosaics 
5,  31  note,  121,  128,  183;  kahrie  djami:  mosaics  11;  relief  49 
ottoman  museum:  drum  of  column  84;  encolpium  22,  47,  97,  105,  117,  165-167,  204 
note;  Phrygian  relief  43,  115,  116,  167;  relief  117,  167 
consular  diptychs  240,  244 
controversies,  iconoclastic,  see  Iconoclastic 

Coptic  Art  51,  56,  62,  11 7,  147,  166,  169,  170,  174,  179,  251;  cross,  see  Cross;  influence  on 
NATIVITY  26;  literature  149,  175;  medallions,  see  Medallions ; seal,  see  LONDON 
British  museum;  textiles,  see  Textiles 

Type  of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102,  106,  180;  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS 
108,  109,  1 14,  1 18,  180 
Cosmas  Indicopleustes,  manuscript  6 

costume  of  Baptist  73,  77,  79,  162,  214,  215;  Byzantine  219,  220;  on  Chair  of  Maximianus 
170;  of  Christ  37,  120,  153,  158,  185,  205;  of  Elizabeth  224;  of  Joseph  225;  of 
Magi  34,  35,  38,  43,  44,  49,  57,  175,  216,  220,  226,  241;  Merovingian  219;  on  Milan 
book  covers  219;  of  Orientals  50;  on  Rouen  diptych  236;  of  soldiers,  in  MAS- 
SACRE OF  THE  INNOCENTS  220;  of  tribune,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE 
INNOCENTS  64,  66,  of  Virgin  7,  219,  220,  223,  224,  226,  252 
couch  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  39:  in  JOSEPH  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL 
225;  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  130,  134,  136,  138,  140 
COURAJOD  196,  198 

crib,  introduction  of,  in  NATIVITY  15,  162;  ‘‘Roman,”  15;  see  also  MAGI,  OX  AND 
ASS,  NATIVITY 
crocodiles  148 

crook,  shepherd’s,  see  Pedum 

cross  82,  94,  98,  103,  106,  109,  118,  119,  126,  127,  1 33,  150-153,  156,  157,  173,  176,  177, 
180,  181,  218;  on  dish  from  Gourdon  218;  on  Milan  book  covers  208,  216-218 
crowd,  see  Spectators 

crown,  crowns  141-143;  worn  by  MAGI  57,  58;  crenellated  126 
CROWNS,  PRESENTATION  OF  141,  208,  210,  211 
CRUCIFIXION  187  note;  “colobium”  Type  of,  Narbonne  205 
curtains,  ornamental  motif  199;  on  Milan  book  covers  208,  218 
Cyprus  1 16 

CYPRUS,  encolpium  from,  see  strzygowski  Collection 

D 

dais,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  62 

dalmatica,  see  Costume 

DALTON  4,  11,  23,  54,  189,  217,  220,  233 

DAPHNI  monastery:  mosaics  11,  51 

DARMSTADT  pyxis  105,  113 

Deir,  in  Lebanon  193 

Deir-Abou-Hennys,  see  ANTINOE 

DELATTRE  49 

demons,  see  CHRIST  DRIVING  DEMONS  INTO  SWINE 
DE  ROSSI  69,  150,  188,  220,  236 
DE  WAAL  223 
DIEHL,  4,  22,  24 


INDEX 


261 


Diocletian,  emperor  188 

Diptychs,  see  BERLIN,  BRESCIA,  BRUSSELS,  Consular,  MILAN,  PARIS,  ROUEN, 
SOUTH  KENSINGTON,  SYMMACHI 

disciples  (Apostles)  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  148,  152,  154;  in  COMMUNION  OF 
THE  APOSTLES  139,  140;  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  123,  124,  127,  128, 
164,  185;  in  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  100,  101,  184;  in  HEALING  OF  THE 
PARALYTIC  102,  104;  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  134,  136,  137,  185,  212;  in  MIRA- 
CLE OF  CANA  85-87,  89-92,  163,  180;  in  MIRACLE  OF  LOAVES  AND 
FISHES  131;  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109,  112,  121,  185;  in  WIDOW’S 
MITE  145 

DOBBERT  137,  140,  141,  188,  220 
doctors  69,  70 

DOCTORS,  CHRIST  AMONG,  see  CHRIST 

DOMITILLA,  CATACOMB  of,  See  ROME 

doors,  bronze,  see  BENEVENTO,  MONREALE,  PISA;  wooden,  of  s.  sabina,  see 
ROME 

doria  panfili,  Villa,  see  ROME 
dove,  in  BAPTISM  73,  77,  80 

dragon,  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPH  ANT  146,  148,  150,  152-154,  156,  158,  248 
drapery,  Carolingian  158,  251,  254 

DREAM.  JOSEPH’S,  see  JOSEPH  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL 
drinking  cup,  Anglo-Saxon,  see  LONDON  British  museum 
DUTSCHKE  1 15 
DURAND  249 

E 

EBERSOLT  115 
Ecclesia  ex  Circumcisione  37 

Egypt  1,  2,  25,  29,  43,  50,  56,  57,  89,  92,  1 16,  119,  120,  122,  146-154,  157,  167-171,  174-183, 
186,  193,  201,  213,  219,  224,  225,  249,  251,  253 
Elizabeth  222,  224,  225,  230 
EMMAUS,  SUPPER  AT  137 
enamel,  cloisonne  206,  208,  216-218 

encolpium,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE,  REGGIO,  strzygowski  Collection 
ENLART  230 

ENTRY  ISTO  JERUSALEM  121,  164,  177,  181,  185,  208.  212,  221 
Ephesus  3,  101,  160,  195 
EPHRAEM  SYRUS  20,  34,  55 
Epiphany,  Feast  of,  see  Feast 

EPIPHANY,  see  MAGI;  Type  of  ADORATION  OF  TH  EMAGI  38,  41,  45 

epitaphs,  see  Inscriptions 

ESTELLA,  Spain,  s.  pedro  de  la  rua  : pyxis  133 

ETSCHMIADZIN  monastery:  Gospels  5,  29,  49,  54,  56,  79,  105,  126,  157,  170,  172-175, 
177,  178,  181 

Eucharist  130,  133,  139,  141,  185,  212 

Eucharistic  Repast  129,  133;  symbolism,  see  Symbolism;  Transubstantiation  85  iu 
163.  164 
Euphron  194 

Evangelists,  see  John,  Luke,  Mark,  Matthew;  symbols  of  208,  219 
exomis,  see  Costume 

eyes,  of  Blind  Man,  touched  by  Christ  94-97,  101,  163,  166,  184 

F 

FAILLON  65,  66 


262 


INDEX 


FAYUM,  portraits  from  114,  120 

Feast,  Feasts  1 77,  178,  201;  of  Baptism  58;  at  Constantinople,  at  Christmas  59,  184; 
Eastern,  in  Gaul  196;  of  Epiphany  39,  55,  59,  191,  203;  governor  of,  in  MIRACLE 
OF  CANA,  93;  of  Holy  Innocents  67,  203;  of  Nativity  58,  191,  213;  of  Virgin,  in 
Provence  10,  201,  221 ; in  Rome  202,  213 
fish  130,  131,  133-136 
FLEURY,  ROHAULT  de  138 
FLIGHT  INTO  EGYPT  52 

FLORENCE  pyxis  47;  bargello:  Rhenish  ivory  155;  laurentiana:  Rabula  Gospels  from 
ZAGBA  23,  61,  62,  64,  79,  81,  83,  92,  98,  104,  127,  139,  157,  165,  167,  173.  180,  181, 
184,  185,  204  note,  213 

foliate  design,  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109,  113,  164 
forrer  Collection,  see  STRASSBURG 
frankincense,  see  Gifts 
Freer  Gospels,  see  WASHINGTON 

frescoes,  see  ALEXANDRIA,  ANTINOE,  el  BAGAWAT,  BAWIT,  CAPPADOCIA, 
GAZA,  MONTE  RAPARO,  NAPLES,  S.  ANGELO  IN  FORMIS,  S.  URBANO, 
SAKKARAH 

G 

Galilee,  Sea  of,  see  CHRIST  IN  SHIP  ON  SEA  OF  GALILEE 
GARRUCCI  142 

Gaul  39,  68,  142,  146,  152-154,  157,  193-201,  203,  208,  212-219,  226,  230,  234,  236,  241,  246, 
251,  253;  Eastern  feasts  in  196;  Eastern  monastic  influence  in  195,  196,  205; 
Oriental  iconography  in  201;  Orientalizing  of  189,  192;  relations  of,  with  Syria 
193-195,  199,  205;  sarcophagi  of  77,  92,  112,  113,  197,  198,  204  note,  218,  219, 
251,  253;  see  also  AIX,  ARLES,  AUCH,  CLERMONT-FERRAND,  MARSEIL- 
LES, MAS  d’AIRE,  MAS-ST.  ANTONIN,  NARBONNE,  NIMES,  PROVENCE, 
PUY,  ST.  GILLES,  SAINT-RUF,  SOISSONS,  TOULOUSE,  VIENNE;  Sy- 
rian artists  in  200;  Syrian  ornament  in  198,  199,  206,  234 
GAZA  church  of  st.  sergius  : frescoes  141 
Gelasius,  Pope  221 
gem,  Merovingian  230 

GENOELS-ELDEREN,  diptych  from,  see  BRUSSELS 

Gentiles,  Adoration  of  13,  19 

Germanicia  200 

GERONA  sarcophagus  86 

Gervasius,  St.  142 

gifts,  offered  by  MAGI  38-41,  46,  53,  162,  191,  226,  241 
glass,  "Roman”  87,  103,  109-111,  113,  114,  164 
globe,  Christ  enthroned  upon  141-146,  208,  21 1 
Gnostic  sources  27,  189 

God,  representation  of  148;  Hand  of  72,  78-80;  Lamb  of,  on  Milan  book  covers  206,  216- 
218,  on  sarcophagus  of  ST.  MAXIMIN  218 
Godescalc,  school  of  157,  158,  251,  252,  254;  Gospels  of,  see  PARIS 
gold,  see  Gifts 

GOSPELS,  canonical  85,  94,  102,  113,  127,  145,  190,  200,  201,  206,  208,  210,  223;  see  also 
John,  Luke,  Mark,  Matthew;  apocryphal,  see  APOCRYPHAL  GOSPELS,  APOC- 
RYPHUM,  HISTORY,  JAMES,  PROTEVAN GELIUM,  PSEUDO-MATTHEW, 
TWELVE  APOSTLES 

gospels  (manuscripts),  see  BRUSSELS,  ETSCHMIADZIN,  FLORENCE,  HILDES- 
HEIM,  LONDON,  MUNICH,  PARIS,  ROME,  ROSSANO,  TRIER,  WASH- 
INGTON 


INDEX 


263 


GOURDON  cloisonne  dish  from  217 
governor  of  feast,  see  Feast 
gradual,  see  PRUM 
GRAEVEN 4 

grapevine,  ornamental  motif  198,  234 
Greece  116,  182,  196 
Greek  chapel,  see  ROME 

GREGORY  of  Nazianzus  20,  58;  Homilies  of,  see  PARIS 

GREGORY  of  Nyssa  20 

GREGORY  of  Tours  193,  194,  199,  205,  218 

GRIMOtiARD  de  Saint-Laurent  220 

GRISAR  151 


H 

Hadelin,  St.,  reliquary  of,  see  VISE 

hagia  Sofia,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE 

Hand  of  God,  see  God 

HASELOFF  188,  238,  240,  242-244,  249,  253 

head,  of  Blind  Man,  touched  by  Christ  94,  95,  97,  163 

HEALING,  see  BLIND,  BLIND  AND  HALT,  PARALYTIC,  WOMAN  WITH  ISSUE 
OF  BLOOD 
Hebrews,  see  Jews 
HEISENBERG  31  note,  32,  121,  183 
helix,  ornamental  motif  198 
Hellenistic  School  2,  6,  72,  159,  200 

Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  38,  162,  226 
of  BAPTISM  72,  73,  81,  162 

of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  122,  125,  127,  164,  181 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94,  95,  163,  176 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102,  103,  107,  163 
of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  60,  162 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85,  163,  166,  176,  242 
of  NATIVITY,  see  ADORATION  Type  of  NATIVITY 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108,  109,  114,  118,  163,  177 
of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  and  note 
Henry  II,  Gospels  of,  see  MUNICH 

heresies  178;  see  also  Arianism,  Monophysite,  Nestorianism 
Herod  46,  60-63,  208,  220,  230,  241 
HILDESHEIM  Gospels  of  Bernward  124;  Missal  155 
Historical  Type  of  LAST  SUPPER  129,  140,  185 
HISTORY  OF  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN  MARY  22 
HOLY  apostles,  Church  of,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE 

Holy  Innocents  67,  68,  203,  204,  214,  241,  243,  247;  sarcophagus  of,  see  ST.  MAXIMIN 
HOLY  WOMEN  AT  THE  TOMB  240 
Honoratus  196 

horseman,  lancing  animal  147 
Horus  147-149 

house,  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  18,  43,  44,  46,  241;  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERU- 
SALEM 128;  in  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  106,  185 
Hypatia  169 


I 

Iconoclastic  controversies  183 

iconography,  passim;  value  of,  in  determining  schools  4 


264 


INDEX 


incense,  see  Gifts 

Innocents,  see  Holy  Innocents;  MASSACRE  OF,  see  MASSACRE 
inscription,  inscriptions  of  ARLES  193;  on  Bodleian  book  cover  156  157;  in  frescoes  at 
ALEXANDRIA  132,  149;  on  lamp  151 ; of  LYON  194,  200;  on  Merovingian  gem 
230;  on  scroll  held  by  Isaiah  249;  of  Syrians,  in  Gaul  194,  198 
Insulani  196 

interlacings,  ornamental  motif  198 
IRENAEUS,  St.  39,  40,  96 

Isaac  of  Armenia,  Exarch,  sarcophagus  of,  see  RAVENNA 
Isaiah  248 

Isis  and  Anubis,  cult  of,  at  Nimes  197 

Italo-byzantine  art  31,  36,  59,  69,  93,  94,  108,  121,  140,  184,  204  note 
Italy  1,  140,  154,  155,  188,  194,  195,  249 

Type  of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  in  90 

ivories,  passim;  Alexandrian  81 ; Byzantine  93;  Provencal  7,  11,  21,  35,  43,  78,  91,  see  also 
BERLIN,  MILAN,  NEVERS,  ROUEN,  S.  KENSINGTON 

J 

Jairus,  house  of  95;  RAISING  OF  DAUGHTER  OF,  112  note,  249,  251,  253 
James,  Gospel  of  189 

jars,  in  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85-87,  89-92,  133,  163,  166,  176,  180,  212,  242,  251 
Jericho  95 

JEROME,  St.  189,  193,  194 

Jerusalem  46,  54,  124,  190;  ENTRY  INTO,  see  ENTRY 
JERUSALEM  church  of  the  ascension  5,  178;  martyrion  178 
Jesus,  see  Christ 

Jews  no,  216;  Adoration  of  13,  19,  161,  162 

John  the  Baptist,  in  BAPTISM  72-80,  82,  162,  214,  215;  COMING  OF  PHARISEES 
AND  SADDUCEES  TO,  see  PHARISEES ; costume  of,  see  Costume;  nimbed, 
see  Nimbus 

JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM  58 

John,  St.  129,  141,  186;  on  Milan  book  covers  208;  GOSPEL  of  7,  85,  95,  96,  101,  102,  106, 
109,  no,  112,  120,  125,  130,  204  note 
JOHN  VII,  chapel  of  see  ROME  churches 
JONAS  194 

Jordan  72-77,  162,  214,  215,  222,  228,  242;  personification  of  72,  74,  77-82,  84,  176, 
180,  228 

Joseph  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL  173,  202,  222,  225,  229;  in  ADORATION  OF  THE 
MAGI  38,  39,  45,  47,  49!  in  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  69,  70;  in 
JOURNEY  TO  BETHLEHEM  174;  in  NATIVITY  or  ADORATION  OF  THE 
OX  AND  ASS  17-19,  21-25,  27,  29,  32>  166,  174,  184,  190,  191,  226;  RECONCILIA- 
TION OF,  WITH  MARY  203 
Joshua  Rotulus,  see  ROME  Vatican 
JOURNEY  TO  BETHLEHEM  23,  174 
Juda,  city  of  224 

Judas,  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  140,  185,  186 
Judea  196 

JUDGMENT  OF  SOLOMON,  see  SOLOMON 
JUSTIN  MARTYR  58 
Justinian,  emperor  141,  182,  188 


K 

KEHRER  42 

KERTCH  censer  from,  see  ODESSA 


INDEX 


265 


key,  held  by  St.  Peter,  Rouen  diptych  233 
KIEFF  cathedral:  mosaics  140 
kings,  MAGI  as  58 

knees,  Christ  immersed  to,  in  BAPTISM  72,  73,  76,  162 
KOXDAKOFF  217,  220 


L 

LABARTE  4,  188,  218,  220 
Lamb  of  God,  see  God 
Lampadiorum  diptych,  see  BRESCIA 
lamps,  Early  Christian,  from  Egypt,  150,  171 
lance  152,  188  note 

LAST  SUPPER  129,  164.  185.  208,  210,  212 
LASTEYRIE  217 
later  an,  see  ROME 
LAURENT  157,  233,  234 

Lazarus,  CHRIST  DINING  WITH  137;  with  head  bare  109,  113-115,  118,  119,  164,  167, 
181 ; with  head  covered  108-m,  117,  120,  163,  185,  211;  nimbed,  see  Nimbus;  sisters 
of,  see  Sisters 

LAZARUS,  RAISING  OF  43,  108,  163,  167,  177,  180,  185,  208,  210,  21 1 

leaf,  heart-shaped,  ornamental  motif  198,  199 

LE  BLANT  65,  236 

LECLERCQ  9,  24,  81,  223 

Lerins  196 

Levi,  master  of  Jesus  69 
Libri  canonum  195 
Liguge  195 

Limoges,  Missal  of  92 
LINAS  de  233,  236 

lion,  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  146,  148,  150,  153.  154,  156,  158,  248 
LIPSIUS  189 

Liturgical  Type  of  LAST  SUPPER  129,  139,  185 

liturgies,  Byzantine  59;  Gallican  195;  Egyptian  219;  influence  of,  on  Byzantine  Epiphany 
58,  183,  184;  Nestorian  58;  Roman  196;  Syrian  10,  34,  53,  55,  177,  178,  212,  213, 
lizard  148 

loaves,  baskets  of  130-132 

loaves  and  fishes  130,  131,  135-138,  212 

LOAVES  AND  FISHES,  MIRACLE  OF  85,  130,  133-135,  139,  141,  163,  164 
loggia  156 
Logos  40 
Lombard  relief  51 

LONDON  British  museum:  ivories:  Alexandrian-C optic  panel  79,  80,  176;  Archangel 
panel  234:  diptych  56;  St.  Menas  pyxis  50,  170;  panel  71  note,  83;  plaques  (4) 
with  Passion  scenes  187  note;  205,  240;  panels  (3)  with  scenes  from  lives  of 
Moses,  Paul  and  Peter  240 

Anglo-Saxon  drinking  cup  92;  Coptic  seal  127;  textile  50,  175;  Ms.  Harl.  2788  ( Caro - 
lingian  gospels ) 158 

LORSCH,  gospels  from,  see  ROME  Vatican 
louvre,  see  PARIS 
Lucifer  34 

Luke.  St.,  on  Milan  hook  covers  208;  GOSPEL  of  18,  19,  68,  70,  73,  74.  102,  106,  125,  225, 
LYCIA  churches:  frescoes  140 

Ly°n  39,  194,  195,  200;  inscriptions  of,  see  Inscriptions 


266 


INDEX 


M 

MADRID  Christian  lamp  150;  sarcophagus  87,  215 
MAGDALEN  COLLEGE,  See  OXFORD 

MAGI,  ADORATION  OF  13,  16,  18,  19,  21-23,  33,  34,  36,  162,  175,  180,  184,  189, 
190,  208,  210,  21 1,  215,  216,  222,  226,  227,  229,  230,  238,  241,  249,  251 ; arrangement  40, 
51-54,  162,  166,  175,  184;  costume,  see  Costume;  names  of  41;  prostrate  49;  two  38, 
40,  41 ; four  40,  41 

MAGI,  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR  TO,  see  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR 
magician,  Christ  as  85,  87,  113,  176 

MANCHESTER  fragment  of  Murano  book  cover  25,  56,  175 

manger,  see  NATIVITY , ADORATION ; introduction  of,  in  NATIVITY  15,  162 
Mans,  Le  230 

mantle,  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  123,  126-128,  164,  177,  185;  see  also  Costume 
Marcella  65 

MARDIN,  Syrian  gospels  from,  see  PARIS 
Mariolatry  201,  202,  212;  see  also  Feasts,  Virgin 

Mark,  St.,  representation  of,  on  Milan  book  covers  208;  in  Rossano  Gospels  219;  GOS- 
PEL of  73,  95,  102,  106,  125 

Marseilles  67,  138,  146,  187,  192-194,  196,  197,  203,  206,  213-215,  229,  233,  234,  236, 
241,  246,  253 

MARSEILLES  relief  198;  sarcophagi  86,  197,  234,  247;  abbey  of  st.  victor  66-68,  187, 
196,  202,  203,  213-215,  229,  233-236,  241,  246,  sarcophagi  of  233-237 
Martha,  sister  of  Lazarus,  see  Sisters 
Martin,  St.  195 

martyrion,  see  JERUSALEM 
martyrs  142 

Mary,  sister  of  Lazarus,  see  Sisters;  Virgin,  see  Virgin  Mary;  Magdalene  65  and  note, 
67,  68;  life  of  68 

MAS  d’AIRE  sarcophagus  78,  215 
MASKELL  249 

MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  59,  162,  176,  203,  208,  21 1,  213,  214,  220-222,  225, 
2 37,  238,  241-243,  247,  249,  251,  253 
MAS-ST.  ANTONIN  sarcophagus  199 
master,  of  Christ  71 ; see  also  Levi,  Zachyas 

Matthew,  representation  of,  on  Milan  book  covers  208;  GOSPEL  of  18,  19,  40,  46,  73, 
95,  125,  225;  HEBREW  GOSPEL  OF  189 

mattress  in  JOSEPH  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL  225;  in  NATIVITY  24,  26-29,  32, 
59,  165,  174,  179,  184 
Maximianus , Chair  of,  see  RAVENNA 
Maximin,  St.  65,  68 

medallions,  Coptic  50,  171,  175;  terra  cotta,  see  MONZA;  see  also  Encolpium 
Menas,  St.  pyxis , see  LONDON  British  museum 
menologium,  see  ROME  Vatican 

Merovingian  art  146,  152,  217,  218,  220,  253;  costume,  see  Costume;  gem  230 
Metz  194;  Carolingian  ivories  from  249,  254 
MIANNAY,  wooden  pail  from  154 
MICHEL  189 

micheli  Collection,  see  PARIS 

midwives,  in  NATIVITY  30-32,  59,  183,  184,  190;  see  also  Salome,  Zelemi 
Milan  3,  188,  229,  230,  238 

MILAN  cathedral:  Ivory  book  covers  7,  11,  16,  18,  21,  22,  35,  43,  44,  63,  64,  67,  69-71, 
76,  77,  91,  95,  100,  101,  104,  1 12,  124,  130,  136-146,  187-189,  201,  203,  206, 
222-230,  236,  238,  240-247,  251  ; date  220,  221 ; technique  231,  243 


INDEX 


267 

s.  ambrogio:  Paliotto  93.  s.  celso:  sarcophagus  34.  s.  nazzaros  57,  87  and  note. 

sarcophagi  14,  21,  188 

trivulzio  Collection : ivory  plaque  240 

miracle,  see  CANA,  BLIND,  JAIRUS,  LAZARUS,  LOAVES  AND  FISHES,  PAR- 
ALYTIC, TABITHA,  WIDOW'S  SON 
missal,  see  HILDESHEIM,  LIMOGES 
MOLINIER  137,  144,  189,  217,  233,  234,  236 
monks,  eastern,  in  Gaul  153,  157,  195,  196 
monogram  236,  237 
monophysite  heresy  28,  168 

MONREALE  cathedral:  bronze  doors  36;  mosaics  94 
MONTE  RAPARO  s.  angelo:  fresco  140 
Monza  3 

MONZA  basilica  : ampullae  5,  29,  30,  34,  53,  83,  173,  178,  180;  terra  cotta  medallion  12 
mosaics,  see  BETHLEHEM,  CONSTANTINOPLE,  JERUSALEM,  KIEFF,  MON- 
REALE, NAPLES,  PARENZO,  RAVENNA,  ROME,  SERRES,  VENICE 
MOSCOW  uwaroff  Collection:  ivory  plaque  172,  173,  204  note 

MOSES,  STRIKING  WATER  FROM  MOUNTAIN  12  note,  228;  scenes  from  life 
of  240 

mothers,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  60-66,  162 
mountain  77;  see  also  MOSES 

MU’ALLAKA  el,  church  : wooden  lintel  126,  127,  170,  177 
MULTIPLICATION,  see  LOAVES  AND  FISHES 

multitude,  in  MIRACLE  OF  LOAVES  AND  FISHES  131-133;  see  also  Spectators 
MUNICH  staatsbibliothek  : Codex  purpureus  64,  67,  68,  214,  220;  Gospels  of  Henry  II 
37;  ivory  plaque  (fragment)  64  note,  76,  248 
myrrh,  see  Gifts 


N 

NAPLES  baptistery:  mosaics  90,  143,  204  note,  catacomb  of  s.  gennaro:  fresco  83 
Narbonne  144,  194,  198,  199,  206,  218 

NARBONNE  sarcophagi  199,  204.  genesius  church:  CRUCIFIXION  205 
NATIVITY  13,  33,  45,  54,  55,  58,  59,  161,  166,  174,  178,  179,  183,  189,  190,  203,  208,  210, 
211,  215,  249,  251,  253;  see  also  OX  AND  ASS 
NAXOS,  marble  relief  23,  166 
Neoplatonism  136,  160,  168 
NEROUTSOS-BEY  148,  149 
Nestorianism  168 

NEVERS  museum:  ivory  fragment  17,  18,  21,  22,  44,  187,  191,  215,  237;  date  241-243, 
247 ; technique  238,  240,  244,  247 

nimbus,  worn  by  Christ  14,  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  148,  150,  156,  in  ENTRY 
INTO  JERUSALEM  128,  in  LAST  SUPPER  135,  in  RAISING  OF  LAZ- 
ARUS 112  note,  117,  120,  185;  worn  by  Christ,  John,  or  angels  in  BAPTISM  72, 
77,  78,  80;  God  the  Father  in  CHRIST  TRIUMPHANT  148;  Lamb  of  God,  on 
Milan  book  covers  206;  Lazarus  119,  121  ; Paul  and  Peter  on  Rouen  diptych  233; 
Virgin  or  Child  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  43,  44,  52,  53,  57:  Virgin  and 
angel  in  ANNUNCIATION  1 73 
Nimes  197 

NTMES,  sarcophagus  205 

NUMIDIA,  sarcophagus  from,  see  ALGIERS 

O 

ODESSA,  censer  from  KERTCH  183 
Odo  68 


268 


INDEX 


Olives,  Mount  of,  church  of  the  ascension,  see  JERUSALEM 
open,  NATIVITY  in  13,  22,  23,  29,  166,  179,  184,  211 
orant  131 ; Virgin  as  10 
Oriental-Hellenistic  School  6,  159,  164,  181 

Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI,  37,  47,  48,  166 
of  BAPTISM  165 

of  COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  165 
of  CRUCIFIXION  187  note,  205 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94,  97,  165,  166 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  102,  104,  165,  167 
of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  165 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  165,  166 
of  NATIVITY  13,  22,  165,  166 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  108,  109,114,  167 
of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  165,  204  note 
ORIGEN  168 

ORLEANS,  fragment  of  vase  from  152 

ornament,  Syrian,  in  Gaul  148,  199,  206;  on  Berlin  ivory  2 37;  Bodleian  book  cover  254; 
Milan  book  covers  206,  208,  216,  218,  230,  240,  246;  Nevers  ivory  238;  sarcophagi  of 
Provence  208,  221,  233-235;  Roman  ivories  238,  240,  246;  Rouen  diptych  231, 
233,  235,  236,  246 
Orpheus  160 

ottoman  museum,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE 

Ottonian  art  28,  69,  101,  108,  121,  124,  154,  248,  251;  ivories  48;  manuscripts  36,  57,  108, 
128,  252 

OX  AND  ASS,  ADORATION  OF  13,  14,  22,  46,  59,  162,  166,  174,  179,  184,  190, 
211,  213,  215,  216,  222,  226,  229,  238,  241,  243,  251,  253 
OXFORD  bodleian  library:  ivory  book  cover  17,  18,  21,  22,  44,  64,  67,  76,  78,  92,  105, 
106,  146,  154,  155,  157,  158,  191,  214,  215,  248;  date  249,  251;  style  254 
magdalen  college  : Ms.  Life  of  the  Magdalene  68 

P 

palace,  portal  of  152 
PALERMO  ivory  93 
palatine,  lamp  from,  see  ROME 

Palestine  5,  22,  29,  43,  48,  53-55.  81,  88,  151,  157,  170,  175.  177-iSo,  183,  186,  241 
Palestinian-Coptic  School  6,  159,  170,  177,  181,  186 

Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  3 7,  47,  5L  U5,  180 
of  ANNUNCIATION  173 
of  BAPTISM  72,  80,  82,  176,  180 
of  Christ,  see  Christ 

of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  122,  127,  181 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC  103,  106,  180 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85,  90,  92,  180,  184 
of  NATIVITY  13,  22,  29,  179 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  180 

of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  note 
pallium,  see  Costume 
palmette,  ornamental  motif  198 
PANAGIA,  Virgin  as  54 

panel,  see  PETROGRAD  golenisheff  Collection ; ROME  sancta  sanctorum  ; 
SALERNO 

paralytic  102-106,  163,  165,  180 

PARALYTIC,  HEALING  OF  102,  163,  167,  180,  185,  208,  210,  211,  249,  253 


INDEX 


269 


PARENZO  cathedral:  mosaic  143 
Paris  194 

PARIS  bibliotheque  nationale  : manuscripts:  syr.  33,  gospels  from  MARDIN  5, 
173,  gr.  74,  gospels  11,  69,  84,  94,  108;  gr.  510,  Homilies  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
51,  69,  99,  100,  101,  108,  128,  184,  185;  gr.  1208,  Homilies  of  Jacobus  11;  frag- 
ment of  Matthew  from  SINOPE  99,  135,  183,  184;  lat.  8850,  Gospels  of  Soissons 
93.  15 7,  251,  252;  lat.  9428,  Sacramentary  of  Drogo  28,  44;  nouv.  acq.  lat.  1203, 
Gospels  of  Godcscalc  157,  158,  251 

ivories:  Alexandrian-C optic  book  covers  105,  118,  126,  170,  172-174,  177,  204  note; 
Carolingian  book  covers  65,  67,  68,  214,  252,  254 
cluny,  musee  de : Coptic  pyxis  98,  106,  119,  204  note 

louvre:  silver  casket  from  BRIVIO  112  note;  Carolingian  ivories  44,  202,  252; 

Coptic  pyxis  62,  204  note,  213 
micheli  Collection:  ivories  98,  105,  118 
Passion,  scenes  of  240 
patera  82 

Paul,  St.  141,  142,  144,  233-235,  240 
pedum  72,  77,  78,  82,  214,  215 
PERPETUUS  145,  216,  218,  252 
Persia,  Persians  183,  217 
personifications  80,  228;  see  also  Jordan 
PERUGIA  sarcophagus  69 
PESARO  Coptic  pyxis  98 
Peter,  St.  131,  141,  142,  144.  233-235,  240 
PETER  OF  RAVENNA  20 

PETROGRAD  basilewsky  Collection:  pyxis  106,  119,  204  note,  golenisheff  Collec- 
tion: panel  30,  83,  180;  World  Chronicle  6,  49  note 
PHARISEES  AND  SADDUCEES,  COMING  OF,  to  John  the  Baptist  222,  227 
Phoenicians  192 

PHRYGIA,  relief  from,  see  CONSTANTINOPLE 
PISA  cathedral:  bronze  doors  36 

pitcher,  in  ANNUNCIATION  AT  THE  SPRING  n,  13 
PODGORITZA,  glass  dish  from  hi 

podium,  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  43;  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS,  108, 
in,  211 
Poitiers  194 

POUSSAY,  Gospels  of  155 

PRESENTATION  IN  THE  TEMPLE  9,  223;  OF  THE  CROWNS,  see  CROWNS 

PRETEXTATUS,  CATACOMB  of,  See  ROME 
priest,  in  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  8,  223 
Priscilla,  catacomb  of,  see  ROME 
Probianus,  diptych  of,  see  BERLIN 

prophet,  prophets,  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  49;  Isaiah,  see  Isaiah 
Protasius,  St.  142,  230 

PROTEVAN GELIUM  OF  JAMES  9,  13,  22,  26,  27,  31,  47 
Proto-byzantine  School  5,  6,  99,  107,  140,  181 
Type  of  BAPTISM  84 

of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  128 
of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  184 
of  LAST  SUPPER  135,  140,  185 
of  NATIVITY  31,  184 
of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109,  120,  185 
Provencal  School  1,  6,  159,  167,  186,  187,  201,  246 


270 


INDEX 


Type  of  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  38,  43,  211,  215,  216,  222,  226,  229,  238, 
241,  243,  251 

of  ADORATION  OF  THE  OX  AND  ASS  16,  21,  174,  211,  213,  215,  216, 
222,  226,  229,  238,  241,  243,  251,  253 

of  ANNUNCIATION  AT  THE  SPRING  11,  208,  210,  211,  213,  220, 
222,  223 

of  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR  33,  43,  57,  203,  211,  213,  215,  216, 
221,  222,  225,  226,  229 

of  BAPTISM  72,  76,  211,  214,  222,  227,  229,  237,  242,  251,  253 
of  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  70,  211,  213 
of  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  124,  212,  221 
of  JOSEPH  ASSURED  BY  AN  ANGEL  202,  222 
of  LAST  SUPPER  136,  208,  210,  212 

of  MASSACRE  OF  TIL  EINNOCENTS  60,  62,  203,  208,  21 1,  213,  220, 
221,  237,  238,  241-243,  247,  249,  251,  253 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  90,  212,  237,  242,  251,  253 
Types  of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204 
Types  of  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  7,  201,  211,  213,  215,  219,  221-223,  229 
Provence  6,  33-35,  65,  6 7,  68,  91,  100,  104,  138,  146,  174,  187,  189,  191-193,  196-198, 
203,  205,  208,  210,  21 1,  213-216,  218,  221-229,  235,  236,  241-244,  247,  248,  253; 
Oriental  iconography  in  201;  see  also  Gaul 

PROVENCE,  sarcophagi  of  35,  36,  66,  78,  112,  116,  189,  199,  204,  208,  215,  220,  221, 
226-227,  235,  247;  see  also  AIX,  ARLES,  AUCH,  CLERMONT,  MARSEIL- 
LES, MAS  d’AIRE,  MAS  St.  ANTONIN,  NARBONNE,  NIMES,  PUY,  St. 
GILLES,  St.  RUF,  SOISSONS,  TOULOUSE,  VIENNE 
PRUDENTIUS  20,  33,  40 
PRUM,  Gradual  of  93 
Psalms  148,  156 

PSEUDO-MATTHEW,  GOSPEL  of  9,  10,  13,  18,  26,  27,  35,  45,  69,  70,  189,  210,  211, 
213,  221,  222,  225,  226,  241,  247 
pupils,  in  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  70 
putti  160 

PUY,  Le  sarcophagus  1 73,  202,  225,  229 

pyxis,  see  BERLIN,  BOLOGNA,  BONN,  DARMSTADT,  ESTELLA,  FLORENCE, 
PARIS  louvre,  PESARO,  PETROGRAD,  ROME  Vatican,  ROUEN,  VIENNA, 
WERDEN,  YOULGRAVE 

R 

RABANUS  MAURUS  68 
Rabula,  Gospels  of,  see  FLORENCE 

RAISING,  see  JAIRUS,  LAZARUS,  TABITHA,  WIDOW’S  SON 
Ravenna  3,  4,  6,  48,  100,  136,  138,  142,  144,  152-154,  196,  212,  249 
Type  of  BAPTISM  82 

RAVENNA  ivories:  Chair  of  Maximianus  3,  24,  26,  29,  48-50,  62,  79,  81,  89,  98,  105,  118, 
126,  127,  133,  170,  171-177,  186,  202,  204  note,  225,  235;  Murano  book  cover  98, 
106,  119,  171,  176,  186;  see  also  ROME  stroganoff  Collection,  and  MANCHESTER 
s.  apollinare  in  classe:  mosaic  219;  s.  apollinare  nuovo:  mosaics  56,  90,  99,  100, 
105,  107,  134,  136,  137,  145,  152,  204  note,  219;  s.  giovanni  in  fonte:  mosaic  82, 
228;  stucco  relief  153;  s.  maria  in  cosmf.din  (Arian  Baptistery)  : mosaic  77,  82, 
215,  228;  s.  vitale:  mosaic  143,  144 

sarcophaagi  6,  47,  115,  116,  167,  197;  of  Isaac  the  Exarch  43;  Pignatta  153 
rays  of  light,  from  Hand  of  God  72,  78;  six,  on  star,  see  Star 
RECONCILIATION  OF  JOSEPH  AND  MARY,  see  JOSEPH 


INDEX 


271 


REGGIO  museum  : encolpium  22,  23,  166 

reliquaries,  Carolingian,  see  ROME  sancta  sanctorum  ; Oriental,  in  Gaul  199,  206 

Repast,  see  Eucharistic 

Resurrection  96 

REVEILLOUT  26,  27,  149 

Rheims  218 

Rhenish  ivory,  see  FLORENCE  bargello 
RICHTER  37,  61 
Rivers,  Four,  of  Life  208 
“Roman”  glass,  see  Glass 

Roman  School,  of  ivory  carvers  91,  238,  240,  244,  246-248,  253 

Rome  6,  39,  45,  91,  104,  123,  142-144,  150,  161,  167,  182,  196,  200-203,  206,  21 1,  212, 
216,  218,  225,  238,  240,  241,  244,  246,  247 

ROME  catacombs:  frescoes  6,  40,  60,  73,  103,  no,  hi,  115,  129-131,  159,  161-163,  165, 
167,  200,  211,  213;  in  callixtus  41,  no,  130,  131 ; domitilla  41,  96,  97;  Greek 
chapel  40;  pretextatus  no;  priscilla  103,  no,  130,  143;  ss.  pietro  e marcel- 
lino  41,  87,  133;  ST.  PONTIANUS  83;  S.  SEBASTIANO  14,  19;  S.  VALENTINO  28 
churches:  chapel  of  john  vii  (Old  St.  Peter’s),  mosaic  28,  51,  127,  137;  s.  agata  in 
subura,  mosaic  143;  s.  costanza,  mosaic  143;  sts.  felix  and  adauctis,  fresco  143; 
st.  john  lateran,  mosaic  219;  s.  lorenzo,  mosaic  143-144;  s.  maria  antiqua, 
fresco  202,  219;  s.  maria  in  cosmedin,  mosaic  51;  s.  maria  maggiore,  mosaics  4, 
37,  60,  63,  162,  213,  241 ; s.  saba,  frescoes  107,  185 ; s.  sabina,  wooden  doors  42,  229, 
230;  S.  TEODORO,  mosaic  143,  144;  S.  URBANO  ALLA  CAFFARRELLA,  frescoes  36,  51 
collections:  barberini,  diptych  50,  147,  170;  bianchini,  silver  vase  89;  bruls,  lamp 
130;  stroganoff,  fragment  of  Murano  hook  cover  172-174 
lateran  museum:  fresco  in 
palatine,  lamp  from  150,  151 

sancta  sanctorum:  Carolingian  coffer  93;  Carolingian  reliquary  252;  Coptic  ivory 
98,  textile  30,  180;  panel  83;  silver  casket  44 
sarcophagi  33,  42,  60,  86,  87,  91,  100,  111-113,  123,  124,  131,  159,  161,  167,  197,  211, 
213,  215,  218,  226,  234,  235,  242,  244 

Vatican:  manuscripts:  gr.  1613,  gospels  51;  Joshua  Rotulus  126;  Menologium  of 
Basil  II  58,  84 

ivories:  Coptic  pyxis  98,  106,  119;  covers  of  Lorsch  Gospels  154,  158,  230,  251 
villa  borghese  : relief  38 ; doria  panfili,  sarcophagus  39 
rosettes,  ornamental  motif  198 

ROSSANO,  Gospels  of  5,  99-101,  107,  120,  121,  128,  135,  140,  141,  165,  183-185,  219 
Rotulus,  of  Joshua,  see  ROME  Vatican 

ROUEN  library:  ivory  diptych  187,  231;  date  236;  techniue  236,  237,  247;  ivory  pyxis 
1 7,  47 


S 

sagum,  Gallic  153 
saints  141 

s.  agata  in  subura,  see  ROME  churches 
s.  ambrogio,  see  MILAN 

S.  ANGELO  IN  FORMIS  frescoes  69,  101,  128,  140,  145,  146 

s.  apollinare  in  classe,  nuovo,  see  RAVENNA 

s.  costanza,  see  ROME  churches 

STS.  FELIX  AND  ADAUCTUS,  See  ROME  CHURCHES 

s.  gennaro,  catacomb  of,  see  NAPLES 

ST.  GILLES  sarcophagus  35,  43,  216 

st.  john  lateran,  see  ROME  churches 

s.  lorenzo,  see  ROME  churches 


INDEX 


s.  marco,  see  VENICE 

s.  maria  antiqua,  m aggiore,  see  ROME  churches;  in  cosmedin,  see  RAVENNA  and 
ROME  churches 

ST.  MAXIMIN  abbey  church:  202,  204;  carved  slab  10,  201,  215,  223;  sarcophagi  65-68, 
203,  214,  218-220,  241,  247 
s.  nazzaro,  see  MILAN 
s.  pedro  de  la  rua,  see  ESTELLA 

ss.  pietro  e marcellino,  catacomb  of,  see  ROME 

st.  pontianus,  catacomb  of,  see  ROME 
■ST.  RUF  abbey  : sarcophagus  204 

s.  saba,  see  ROME  churches 

s.  sabina,  see  ROME  churches 

S.  SEBASTIANO,  CATACOMB  of,  See  ROME 

s.  teodoro,  see  ROME  churches 

s.  urbano  alla  caffarella,  see  ROME  churches 

S.  VALENTINO,  CATACOMB  of,  See  ROME 

s.  victor,  abbey  of,  see  MARSEILLES 

Sakkarah  169 

SALERNO  ivory  panels  94 
Salome,  midwife  23,  25,  26,  30  note,  174,  175 
SALONICA  arnbo  36,  55 
SALVIANUS  194 

SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  90,  144,  204  and  note 
SARAGOSSA  sarcophagus  86 

sarcophagus,  sarcophagi,  of  Holy  Innocents  66,  67;  with  representation  of  ADORATION 
OF  THE  MAGI  40,  41,  227;  BAPTISM  73,  74,  214;  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSA- 
LEM 123 ; HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  97 ; HEALING  OF  THE  PARALYTIC 
102,  103,  105;  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  91,  92;  MIRACLE  OF  LOAVES  AND 
FISHES  131;  NATIVITY  17,  21,  26;  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS,  hi,  115,  211; 
see  also  ALGIERS,  BOTTARI,  CIVITA  CASTELLANA,  GERONA,  MADRID, 
MILAN,  NUMIDIA,  PERUGIA,  PROVENCE,  RAVENNA,  ROME,  SARA- 
GOSSA, Sidamara,  SYRACUSE 
saw,  held  by  Joseph,  in  NATIVITY  17,  226 
SBETTLA  fragment  of  vase  from  116,  167 
SCHMID  15,  188,  220,  229 
Schnoudi  169 
SCHONEWOLF  205,  218 

Schools,  of  Early  Christian  Art  159,  see  also  Alexandrian-Coptic,  Asia  Minor,  Byzan- 
tine, Coptic,  Hellenistic,  Palestinian-Coptic,  Proto-byzantine,  Provengal,  Ravenna, 
Roman,  Syrian 
scorpions  148 
seat,  see  Cathedra 
SEDULIUS  40 
sella  curulis  66 
Serapenm  169 
sergius,  st.,  see  GAZA 
SERMONS,  Theophany  81 
serpent,  serpents  148,  150-153,  227 
SERRES.  Macedonia,  cathedral  : mosaic  140 

servant,  servants,  in  ANNUNCIATION  252;  EUCHARISTIC  REPAST  133:  MIRA- 
CLE OF  CANA  85,  88-93,  166,  180,  212,  242;  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109, 
120,  185 

shed,  in  Western  NATIVITIES  13,  14,  20,  21,  162,  166,  190,  211 
Shepherd,  Good  160 


INDEX 


273 

SHEPHERDS,  ADORATION  OF  13,  14,  16,  18,  19,  21,  23,  32,  34,  52-55,  58,  59,  162, 
166,  180,  184 

Sibyl,  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  37 
Sidamara  Type  of  sarcophagi  5 
Sidion  65 

SIDONIUS  APOLLINARIS  196 
Siloam,  Pool  of  95,  101,  184 
Simeon  27 

SIXOPE,  fragment  of  Matthew  from,  see  PARIS 

sisters,  of  Lazarus,  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109,  no,  112,  113,  120,  121,  137,  163, 
185,  21 1 

Smashing  Type,  of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS,  see  Provencal 
SOISSOXS,  Gospels  of,  see  PARIS;  sarcophagus  78,  215 
soldiers,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  60-64,  66,  214,  220,  241 
solium  60,  61 

SOLOMON , JUDGMENT  OF,  on  ivory  in  louvre  220 
Soter,  bishop,  baptistery  of,  see  NAPLES 

SOUTH  KENSINGTON  victoria  and  albert  museum:  Werden  casket  8,  n,  17,  18, 
21,  22,  35,  44,  76,  77,  173,  187,  188,  201-203,  214,  215,  221,  238,  240-242,  246,  date 
231,  technique  231;  Carolingian  ivory  65,  67,  68,  214;  Coptic  textile  172;  French 
ivory  155 
Spain  39,  194 

spectators  91,  101,  121,  123,  125,  128,  144,  184,  185,  212 
SPELUNCA  THESAURORUM  41,  55 
Spirit,  Holy  73,  77 
SPiTZER  Collection : ivory  28 

spring,  in  ANNUNCIATION  AT  THE  SPRING  12,  13 

stable,  in  NATIVITY  or  ADORATION  OF  OX  AND  ASS  19,  21,  190,  241 

staff,  in  HEALING  OF  THE  BUND  94,  97,  163,  166 

star,  appearing  to  MAGI  33-35,  216;  see  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  STAR;  appearing 
to  THREE  HEBREWS  35!  in  ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  37,  53,  55;  in 
NATIVITY  179;  in  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  9;  six-rayed,  ornamental 
motif  198 

STRASSBURG  forrer  Collection  : Coptic  textile  50,  175 
stroganoff  Collection,  see  ROME 

STRZYGOWSKI  1,  4,  23,  54,  56,  82,  114,  115,  126,  147,  182,  188,  204,  217,  218,  229,  249,  253 
strzygowski  Collection : encolpium  23,  47,  80,  166 

STUHLFAUTH  4,  12  note,  137,  188,  189,  220,  223,  229,  233,  236,  238,  242,  249,  254 
suppedaneum  37,  63,  226 

supper,  see  Eucharistic  Repast,  LAST  SUPPER 

swine,  see  CHRIST  DRIVING  DEMONS  INTO  SWINE 

switches,  in  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  71 

sword,  see  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS,  TOURNAY 

symbolism  61,  86,  96,  103,  123,  160,  164,  168,  200,  212,  215,  227;  eucharistic  130, 
131,  133-138,  140,  141,  212 
symbols,  of  Evangelists,  see  Evangelists 
Symmachi,  diptych  of  238,  246 
Synod  of  836  A.D.  54 
SYRACUSE  sarcophagus  12  note,  228 

Syria  1,  33-36,  39,  54,  57,  67,  81,  92,  104,  115,  116,  122,  127,  177-184,  192-194,  198,  199, 
201,  203,  212,  213,  224.  229,  230,  249;  manuscripts  or  miniatures  from,  see  ETSCHMI- 
ADZIX,  FLORENCE,  PARIS;  influence  of  55,  93,  99,  104,  144,  169,  179,  196- 
198,  205,  206,  208,  210,  212,  234;  liturgy  of,  see  Liturgies 


INDEX 


274 

Syrian  artists,  in  Gaul  200;  calendar,  in  Gaul  194;  commerce,  with  Gaul  193-195,  199; 
ornament,  in  Gaul  198,  199,  206 
School  6,  159,  181 
Type  of  ANNUNCIATION  173 
of  BAPTISM  72,  79 

of  HEALING  OF  THE  BLIND  94,  98,  184 
of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA  92,  184 
of  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  note 
Syro-Anatolian  Type  of  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  1 15,  116 

Syro-Egyptian  influence  146,  248,  253;  Type  of  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS 
60,  61 


T 

TABITHA,  RAISING  OF  112  note 

table,  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  135-138;  in  WIDOW’S  MITE  144,  145 

temple,  in  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  69;  in  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  8,  9 

TERTULLIAN  103 

TESTING  OF  THE  VIRGIN,  see  VIRGIN 

textiles,  Coptic,  see  AKMIM,  ANTINOE,  LONDON,  ROME  sancta  sanctorum, 
SOUTH  KENSINGTON,  STRASSBURG 
Theophany,  see  SERMONS 
Theotokos,  Virgin  as,  See  Virgin 

THREE  HEBREWS  BEFORE  BUST  OF  NEBUCHADNEZZAR  35 
throne  37,  69,  70;  of  Christ,  see  Christ  enthroned 
TOMB,  HOLY  WOMEN  AT,  see  HOLY  WOMEN 

tomb,  in  RAISING  OF  LAZARUS  109,  no,  113,  115-120,  181,  185;  see  also  Aedicula,  Arch 
TONGRES  notre-dame:  leaf  of  diptych  235  and  note 
tonsure  142 

TOULOUSE  sarcophagi  86,  197 

TOURNAY  Tomb  of  Childeric,  sword  from  217 

Tours  194,  195 

TOURS  st.  martin  145,  216,  252 
tower,  towers  224,  229,  230,  252 
TRADITIO  LEGIS  142-144 

Transitional  Type  of  LAST  SUPPER  129,  134,  212;  of  MIRACLE  OF  CANA,  see 
Alexandrian-Coptic 

tree,  in  ANNUNCIATION  AT  THE  SPRING  12;  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM 
1 23.  124,  128,  164,  185 

tribune,  in  MASSACRE  OF  THE  INNOCENTS  61-65 

TRIER  stadtbibliothek  : Ada  Gospels  157,  158,  251 ; Codex  Egherti  57,  69,  93,  124,  125 
TRINITY  28,  79 
tripod  131,  133 

trivulzio  Collection,  see  MILAN  ; group  of  ivories  240 
TROMBELLI  49,  62 
tunic,  see  Costume 

TWELVE  APOSTLES,  GOSPEL  of  26,  27 
Tyche,  in  ENTRY  INTO  JERUSALEM  126 

Types,  of  scenes  in  Early  Christian  Art,  see  Alexandrian-Coptic,  Asia  Minor,  Byzantine, 
Coptic,  Historical,  Liturgical,  Oriental-Hellenistic,  Palestinian,  Palestinian-Coptic, 
Proto-byzantine,  Syrian,  Syro-Anatolian,  Syro-Egyptian,  Transitional 

U 

urn,  in  BAPTISM  228 

uwaroff  Collection,  see  MOSCOW 


INDEX 


275 


V 

vase  38;  ornamental  motif  198,  199 
Vatican,  see  ROME 
vatopedi,  see  ATHOS 
veil  172,  178 

VENICE  s.  marco:  ciborium  columns  26,  57,  93,  97,  105,  121,  127,  137,  138,  204  note; 
mosaics  101 

VENTURI  4,  137,  142,  188 

victoria  and  albert  museum,  see  SOUTH  KENSINGTON 
VIENNA  pyxis  25,  56 
Vienne  194,  195 

VIENNE  altar  138;  sarcophagus  247 
vine,  see  Grapevine 
viper,  see  Serpent 

Virgin  Mary  88,  149,  178,  191,  201,  202,  210,  221,  223,  225,  231;  in  ANNUNCIATION 
n-13,  172;  CHRIST  AMONG  THE  DOCTORS  69,  70;  DEPARTURE  FROM 
HOUSE  OF  ELIZABETH  224,  225;  JOURNEY  TO  BETHLEHEM  174; 
MIRACLE  OF  CANA  85,  88,  92,  93,  132,  180;  NATIVITY  15,  17-19,  21-24,  26-28, 
32,  34,  162,  166.  174,  175,  179,  184,  190;  VIRGIN  IN  THE  TEMPLE  8,  219;  VISI- 
TATION 224;  costume  of,  see  Costume;  nimbed,  see  Nimbus;  posture  of,  in 
ADORATION  OF  THE  MAGI  37-39,  40,  42-44,  47,-49.  51-57,  59,  175,  180,  226, 
241,  in  ANNUNCIATION  11-13,  172,  173,  252;  as  Theotokos  52 
VIRGIN,  DEPARTURE  OF,  FROM  HOUSE  OF  ELIZABETH  222,  224;  RECONCIL- 
IATION OF,  WITH  JOSEPH,  see  JOSEPH;  IN  THE  TEMPLE  7,  201, 
208,  210-213,  215,  219,  221-223,  229;  TESTING  OF,  WITH  WATER  173,  174 
VISfi  Reliquary  of  St.  Hadelin  155 
VISITATION  222,  224,  229 
voice,  in  Annunciation  13 


W 

wafer,  in  COMMUNION  OF  THE  APOSTLES  139 

waist,  Christ  immersed  to,  in  BAPTISM  72,  74,  78,  79,  82,  215 

wand  85,  86,  91,  108,  109,  hi,  113,  117,  118,  133,  163,  173,  175,  176,  181,  211,  212,  242 

WASHINGTON  Freer  Gospels  6 

WATER,  TEST  BY,  see  VIRGIN,  TESTING  OF 

waterfall,  Jordan  represented  as,  in  BAPTISM  72,  74,  77,  78,  162,  214,  215,  228 
WEDDING  AT  CANA,  see  CANA 

wedding  feast,  in  MIRACLE  OF  CAR7 A 85,  88,  93,  184,  212 

well,  in  SAMARITAN  WOMAN  AT  THE  WELL  204  and  note 

WERDEN,  ivory  casket  from,  see  SOUTH  KENSINGTON ; pyxis  25 

WESTWOOD  137,  188,  220,  223,  229,  249 

widow,  in  WIDOW’S  MITE  144,  145 

WIDOW’S  MITE  144.  208,  21 1,  216 

WIDOW’S  SON,  RAISING  OF  hi  note 

William,  Count  68 

WILPERT  41,  103,  no,  133 

wine,  in  LAST  SUPPER  129,  130,  134,  139,  212 

WOMAN,  SAMARITAN,  AT  THE  WELL,  see  SAMARITAN;  TAKEN  IN  ADUL- 
TERY 144;  WITH  ISSUE  OF  BLOOD,  HEALING  OF  249,  251,  253 
WOMEN,  HOLY,  see  HOLY  WOMEN  AT  THE  TOMB 
World  Chronicle,  see  PETROGRAD  golenisheff  Collection 
Worms  194 

wreath  38,  40;  see  also  Crown 


276 


INDEX 


Y 

YOULGRAVE  pyxis  106,  204  note 

Z 

Zacharias  223 
Zachyas  70 

ZAGBA,  see  FLORENCE  Rabnla  Gospels 
ZARA  Lombard  relief  48 
Zelemi,  midwife  27,  30  note 
Zion,  Mt.,  on  Milan  book  covers  208 


TABLES 


NOTE 

In  the  Tables,  a dash  indicates  the 
occurrence  of  the  motif  named  at  the 
head  of  the  column  in  which  the  dash 
occurs.  The  addition  of  a circle  to  the 
dash  indicates  a nimbus  ; if  the  circle 
is  crossed  vertically,  the  nimbus  is 
cruciform. 


TABLE  I. 


0A1ENTAL-HELLEHIST1C 


AlZXANDM  AN- COPTIC 


PALESTINIAN- COPTIC 


*.T 


/ ^ vSj>  ’ 


nr  r-  or. 
.i\+u  * 


*Y?|V£? AM 


. . ' :rr:  «-’j 


&*fJ  fg’. 


~a«r~n^r.r 


t.  • ■'•  1 ', 


./  .vfTVv^t  .' 

ttsr :pqt^  w »^r«rr7 v^Tr 

././•■'•  C ,*•  -’•..•*•  I 

i ,y  *.  Si  -k  ■ V' .*«•.'  < ,,*•  ••  ■'  . ■•■ •'/*  **i 

. ■..■■••  •'.,  *.  .V  , U • , 

* 

, «y£A4  jV  I J '■  , * 'V*  • •'  * • •>.  V ^ 


ot  i tA 
. . vJ  ,xt 


aioor-A 
' tur? 
tcib'A 
? •;  .osl\2 


-’V-' 

.IV  ,n  ,*  »-{«-!■< ii-.i:'! 

.2'  ;•>  • i ,: : :a  . . , . i ■ 

.•  /v  * . • .,i.i  J *»:.■■ 


. " ..  • •'  r.  .-.1  •)'.  \ 

v;c  i 

• •;•  : . ?i>e  - 


u 

?Wi 

i 


■ < <■  ^ 

Z'ieWTa?:  .- 

j 

, V.  7 ■ . SJfteV* 


. .1  p ' }u 

. . •!. n a*  ' 

a iiiM  J tX  ■<< 


" ■ , 


r*«rt  tf  uJtf 

. ??•>  • j 

•,  »:  ' . . ■ .*3-  ,.a v-:.  } •.  ;*  n ■-:•••.  •->  : 


ixs.-rx;  •»  ..  ; 


yv.*.',  io, ^ 

i.  i.'v'.  t > 

. •.• .... 

■'V.  r ..  2 * 

.)  ; • v-.-f.w,  r.1  J 

"jrt^CD  i?  i w i mA 

i 

W5»  I * 

■ » i Q«  •.  io . vC*  . V 1.  •; 

..  . {.y 

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TZ 

« :xx\ 

s' 

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«5t<V.V 

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•. -is*V5i.  2£_ 

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\ i . >.y* 


; r-; 


, c a 


. r.;.v„  B V«  . * ,v  i - ! 

•; : ; : .■  '.-id  oiv  u , '«:•  U'  rt 


. . 

O'”'1" 


■ 


. ! . ■ r . ' 

i i?  ,'r:- 


■ •ce-j  -vi'l 

' ' 


•-  'i.b' 

. 

’ 

' 

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I J*:  I)  '■  \ 

'*!  •’ . .TV  ;•  *•:  . 

V . ■ ■ • ■ ;*  j | 

{.*  '.M 3*-  ; 

. - ..V  ic-  ‘ ’ .•  • • 


■ ••  ■ 

4r.  . 0.‘<  . T.t,  : 1 


» i 


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fj  L B'tMOS-W'W’fr 


> ! !W  t 

■ . •.  : ' • 
7.  7(7 


: f fl 


HELUHI6TIC  TTFS 


KXLLENI ETI C-0R1 DJTAL 


palestiniah-coptic 


SYZARTIKJ 


Errata:  No.  S3.  In  citation  of  Laucr,  for  "XIV,”  read  “XV.” 

No.  57.  For  "Morgan  Collection,"  read  “Strzygowski  Collection";  add,  as  reference,  Slrzygowski,  Oriens  Christ.  V,  1915,  p.  100. 


I The  lies  signifies  three  Kagi  unleie  othsrsiss  designated. 

Signifies  a niabus. 

^ Signifies  o cruel  forre  niabus. 


• ■■■'■  i >**  ■ 


■ 

’ • • • 


• ' ■ ■ 


■ 


TABLE  III. 


TABLE  IV. 


Errata:  No.  26,  in  citation  of  Dalton,  for  "298,”  read  "294." 

No.  28,  for  "Capital,”  read  "Carved  drum  of  column." 

Nos.  29-30.  for  "Fresco,”  read  "Mosaic";  in  location,  add  "Ravenna." 

No.  32  belongs  in  Alexandrian-Coptic  Group  after  No.  26;  for  "Morgan  Collection,  read  "Strzygowski  Collection”;  add, 
probably  bearded. 

Add  to  Group  6:  Berlin,  Kaiscr-Fricdrich  Museum;  ampulla  and  bronze  relief  (Pergamon).  Sec  p.  83,  note  23. 


reference,  Strzygowski,  Orient  Christ.  V,  1915,  p.  96;  Christ 


i T 


. i'  vs  . , , 


V,  . :•»  Ju>0‘  /-i  i 

" ' . : i 4 ’ ' . Vi.  • : . • , f '*  l site**  :•  cAli 

< . Ml  A 

> ■ ™' 

. ' ;'V  '.if.  ■’  SVis  : ■'  , 

■ :■  . ::  > '■  : !:  ...  -•  ’ *'  . ; ».l 

t 


: . »s<s  i » ci 


. 1 . 

0 

X' 

* 

* 

? 

*a 

• 

w 

....  . 

- ,3.0  . ..  ••  . - 4 rtAJUV 


"•?VV  ■ 


' 

0 

1 • * i.  * ; t • *•  • * * 

' 

..  . • o’.  ■:  X <.;•  .-L- 


V .?  • ••  • ' • 


08 


vuy.  j 


• • * - «; 


!S  • 


. ■ ....  . ...  • i.  -<•  ■ _ LI  ~ . • • • ••  : ■. 


■a i : •• .•* 

i..'/ >*.  i •*‘1 

»’ 


: /T 


• J :i  aG.  ’ ■!  >!'■ 

. • ,•  .••>!. ..’j'x’H'A  . ss.  , si'  i'jVT 

.• 1 . ! p • < . '.  t’l 

t ML- 1 .vs  ,11  ■ ■ ■■■■■■  ! b 


- j 1 K n 'i 


VITalWABlii 


haWM  ’ 


. M-l'JUIMXtJi 


tstc.«r«-nsww 


TABLE  V. 


if..  v-aji 


TABLE  VI. 


TABLE  VII. 


KKALIHQ  Ot  H»  PARALYTIC. 


>SKM*M  Sri  ■ to  ft*.',,  -is 


-■  >.■  ■ 


, -v'---—  --y- <,(  ■■  ’ ' 


• • ' ■ ' . , • ■■ 


2*i?j  TfifiRT 


r 


.-  • 

' iV  

.....  -i»(  •••'.■  «r.  ■ f «S*\ 


* *br..'.L  r.‘  «;",M  7 


- > ■ i 

. : . --.r-  y".  f . 

. 

_ y . ■ .s”.  .'  'l  .';  y 1 . ..  : :■ 

■.  ..  | v | , 


fWUJ*K 


. 

•;  r:-  . • 


. 


.-  .-is=r*s*  - *•  ' 

_ ; * vc c*  _ fd 

~ 


;wa*.ap-oi : •«••- 


5moC>^l*lKltUCi  .1 


wrrsucts 


table  VIII. 


HELLENISTIC 


ORIENTAL -HELLENISTIC 


ALSXANDU  AH-COPTIC 


PALESTINIAN -COPTIC 


Errata:  No.  71,  in  citation  of  Le  Biant,  for  “PI.  XXVIII,”  read  "PI.  XXVII." 

No.  99,  (Garr.  171/1)  is  to  be  omitted. 

No.  107,  for  “Sarcophagus,”  read  "Relief":  add  107a,  marble  vase-fragment  from  Sbeitla  (Tunisie)  (see  d.  116) 
No.  128,  in  indication  of  date,  for  IX,  read  VII.  ' 


. 


TABLE  IX. 


HlLLBnSTIC 


ALEXANDRIAN -COPTIC 


paledtinian-coptic 


B7ZANHNS 


Errata:  No.  8,  add  indication  of  "city.” 

No.  23,  for  "il,”  read  "el.” 

No.  24.  for  “PI.  133,”  read  “PI.  137.” 
No.  28,  in  date,  for  "VII,"  read  "VIII.” 


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